I/I  E>  RAR.Y 

OF  THE 

UNIVLR.SITY 
OF    ILLINOIS 


329.6 
C47h 
cop. 3 


THE    FIRST   AMERICAN 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY 
IN  ILLINOIS 

1854-1912 

WITH  A 

REVIEW  OF  THE  AGGRESSIONS  OF 
THE  SLAVE-POWER 

BY 

CHARLES  A.  CHURCH 

MEMBER  OP  STAFF  OF 

REGISTER-GAZETTE  AND  AUTHOR  OF 

HISTORY  OF  ROCKFORD 


PRESS  OF 

WILSON  BROTHERS  COMPANY 

PRINTERS  AND  BINDERS 

ROCKFORD,  ILL. 


Copyright  1912 

Bf  C.  A.  CHURCH 

Rockford,  111. 


C 


3 


THIS  VOLUME  IS  DEDICATED 

TO  THE  PROPOSITION  THAT  EVERY 

CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS  SHOULD 

BE  FAMILIAR  WITH 

HER  HISTORY 


Oi 


Foreword 


THE  continuous  ascendancy  of  the  Republican  party 
in  Illinois  has  few  parallels  in  the  histories  of  the 
several  states.  In  1856  William  H.  Bissell  was 
elected  governor  of  the  commonwealth  as  a  Republican.  In 
the  fifty-six  years  that  have  elapsed,  with  the  exception  of 
two  years,  from  1893  to  1895,  the  party  has  been  in  control 
of  the  legislature  or  executive  department  of  the  state  gov- 
ernment; and  during  nearly  all  of  that  period  the  party  has 
had  the  governor  and  both  branches  of  the  general  assembly. 
The  story  of  the  Republican  party  in  Illinois  is  therefore  the 
political  history  of  the  state  from  the  days  of  Fremont  and 
Dayton. 

In  1854  Senator  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  led  the  movement 
for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  one  of  the  land- 
marks of  freedom  which  had  been  held  sacred  and  inviolate. 
The  Republican  party  was  the  organized  protest  of  the  nation- 
al conscience  against  this  act  of  sacrilege.  In  1858  Illinois 
was  the  battle-ground  of  giants,  and  the  gaze  of  the  nation 
was  intently  fixed  upon  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Abraham 
Lincoln.  The  contest  was  primarily  for  a  seat  in  the  United 
States  senate,  but  it  was  essentially  a  struggle  between  two 
civilizations ;  between  the  old  order  of  things  that  was  about 
to  pass  away,  and  a  new  dispensation  of  liberty.  These  facts 
give  special  interest  and  value  to  the  history  of  the  great 
awakening  in  Illinois. 

Many  interesting  details  are  necessarily  omitted  from  a 
volume  of  this  kind;  and  in  his  treatment  of  the  subject  the 
author  does  not  claim  absolute  accuracy  of  statement  nor 


vi  Foreword 

infallibility  of  judgment.  He  is  confident,  however,  that  he 
has  produced  not  only  a  reliable  manual  of  information,  but 
a  rational  interpretation  of  the  causes  underlying  the  historic 
movement.  No  attempt  has  been  made  in  this  history  to 
include  the  election  of  justices  of  the  appellate  and  supreme 
courts.  There  has  been  a  tendency  to  separate  the  judiciary 
from  partisan  politics,  and  this  policy  has  received  popular 
approval. 

The  author  is  confident  that  no  other  work  covering 
this  particular  field  has  ever  been  published.  There  have 
been  many  general  histories  of  Illinois,  to  which  the  author 
acknowledges  his  obligations.  Several  of  these  works  are 
voluminous  and  expensive,  none  of  them  are  brought  down  to 
date,  and  several  are  out  of  print. 

These  facts  justify  the  belief  that  the  "History  of  the 
Republican  Party  in  Illinois"  will  be  welcomed  as  a  worthy 
accession  to  the  history  of  this  imperial  commonwealth. 

CHARLES  A.  CHURCH. 

Rockford,  Illinois,  September  9,  1912. 


Contents 


CHAPTER  I 

BEGINNINGS  OF  SLAVERY — ENGLAND  FORCES  EVIL  UPON  THE 

COLONIES SLAVERY   EXCLUDED   FROM   NEW   TERRITORY 

COMPROMISES  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION — THE  MISSOURI 

COMPROMISE.  ....  Page  1 

CHAPTER  II 

RISE     OF     THE     ABOLITIONISTS — ANNEXATION     OF     TEXAS — 

WAR  WITH  MEXICO PARITY  OF  SLAVE  AND  FREE  STATES 

WILMOT  PROVISO GENERAL  TAYLOR  ELECTED  PRES- 
IDENT— HENRY  CLAY'S  COMPROMISE  MEASURES.  7 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  INAUGURATION  OF  FRANKLIN  PIERCE FIRST  NEBRASKA 

BILL — REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE — SENA- 
TOR DOUGLAS'  MOTIVE — OREAT  MORAL  AWAKENING — 

ORIGIN  OF  NAME  REPUBLICAN — THE  ROCKFORD  CON- 
VENTION— POLITICS  AT  THE  STATE  FAIR — NO  CONTEM- 
PORARY REPORT — LINCOLN'S  AMBITION — THE  NOVEM- 
BER ELECTIONS — LYMAN  TRUMBULL  ELECTED  UNITED 
STATES  SENATOR. 15 

CHAPTER  IV 

EDITORIAL    CONFERENCE    AT   DECATUR — STATE    REPUBLICAN 
CONVENTION  AT  BLOOMINGTON — THE  PLATFORM — LIN- 
COLN'S    LOST     SPEECH  —  REPUBLICANS     ELECT     STATE 
TICKET.  ......  29 

vii 


viii  Contents 

CHAPTER  V 

THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS — 

SUMNER'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  CRIME  AGAINST  KANSAS — 
SUMNER  ASSAULTED  BY  BROOKS — DOUGLAS  BREAKS 
WITH  BUCHANAN THE  ENGLISH  BILL ILLINOIS  RE- 
PUBLICANS IN  DILEMMA LINCOLN'S  "HOUSE  DIVIDED" 

SPEECH.  ......  38 

CHAPTER  VI 

LINCOLN    CHALLENGES    DOUGLAS   TO   DISCUSS   THE   SLAVERY 

ISSUE DISPUTANTS    COMPARED FIRST    JOINT    DEBATE 

AT  OTTAWA.  .  .  .  .  .  46 

CHAPTER  VII 

SECOND  DEBATE  AT  FREEPORT — LINCOLN  SHOWS  CONSERV- 
ATISM, BURNS  HIS  BRIDGES  BEHIND  HIM,  AND  ASKS 
DOUGLAS  FOUR  QUESTIONS — "LITTLE  GIANT"  ANSWERS 
THEM  AND  IS  SWEPT  FROM  HIS  MOORING.  .  53 

CHAPTER  VIII 

LAST  DEBATE  AT  ALTON DOUGLAS  ASSAILS  "HOUSE  DIVIDED" 

DOCTRINE  AND  DEFIES  BUCHANAN  —  LINCOLN  PUTS 
QUESTION  ON  MORAL  BASIS — THE  ELECTIONS — DOUGLAS 
WINS — A  FINAL  COMPARISON.  .  .  .63 

CHAPTER  IX 

ILLINOIS  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTION  OF  1860 — RICHARD 
YATES  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR — NATIONAL  REPUB- 
LICAN CONVENTION LINCOLN  NOMINATED INCI- 
DENTS OF  THE  CAMPAIGN — LINCOLN  ELECTED  AND  IN- 
AUGURATED  EARLY  EVENTS  OF  1861.  .  .  73 

CHAPTER  X 

OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR — DOUGLAS'  SPEECH  AT  SPRINGFIELD 
— CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION — CONSTITUTION  RE- 


Contents  ix 

PUDIATED  —  REVERSES  OF  1862  —  LEGISLATURE  PRO- 
ROGUED BY  GOVERNOR  YATES OGLESBY  NOMINATED 

FOR  GOVERNOR  —  LINCOLN  RENOMINATED COLONEL 

INGERSOLL'S  PRAYER — THE  ELECTIONS.         .          .  85 

CHAPTER  XI 

ADMINISTRATION     OF     GOVERNOR     OGLESBY THIRTEENTH 

AMENDMENT — REPEAL  OF  BLACK  LAWS — ELECTIONS  OF 

1866  —  TRUMBULL    RE-ELECTED    SENATOR GENERAL 

GRANT  ELECTED  PRESIDENT ADMINISTRATION  OF  GOV- 
ERNOR PALMER — CONSTITUTION  OF  1870 GENERAL 

LOGAN  ELECTED  UNITED  STATES  SENATOR.  .  96 

CHAPTER  XII 

RECONSTRUCTION    COMPLETED THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1872 — 

RISE  AND  FALL  OF  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  MOVEMENT 

NAST'S  CARTOONS — RE-ELECTION  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 
110 

CHAPTER  XIII 

INAUGURATION  OF  GENERAL  OGLESBY  AND  HIS  ELECTION  TO 

THE     UNITED    STATES    SENATE GOVERNOR    JOHN     L. 

BEVERIDGE — REVERSES  OF  1874 HAYES-TILDEN  CON- 
TEST OF  1876 GENERAL  HURLBUT  GETS  COLONEL 

INGERSOLL  TO  NOMINATE  ELAINE  FOR  PRESIDENT — 
HURLBUT  WARNS  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS — THE  ELEC- 
TIONS— DAVID  DAVIS  ELECTED  SENATOR CAMPAIGN  OF 

1878 — LOGAN  RETURNS  TO  THE  SENATE.  .  119 

CHAPTER  XIV 

FAMOUS    GARFIELD    CAMPAIGN    OF    1880 FIGHT    OVER   THE 

UNIT     RULE     IN      STATE     CONVENTION  —  CONTESTING 


x  Contents 

DELEGATES  ADMITTED  AT  CHICAGO THE  ELECTIONS- 
ESTRANGEMENT  BETWEEN  GRANT  AND  WASHBURNE— 
CAMPAIGN  OF  1882 — CULLOM  ELECTED  SENATOR.  135 

CHAPTER  XV 

ELAINE  AND  LOGAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884 — GOVERNOR  HAMIL- 
TON SAVES  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  TO  THE  REPUBLICANS 

GENERAL    LOGAN    RE-ELECTED    SENATOR — HIS   DEATH 

CHARLES  B.  FARWELL  SUCCEEDS  HIM.  .  151 

CHAPTER  XVI 

HARRISON  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888 CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  THE 

SENATE REVERSES   OF    1890   AND    1892 ELECTION   OF 

CLEVELAND  AND  ALTGELD PALMER  CHOSEN  SENATOR. 

163 

CHAPTER  XVII 

REVOLUTION  OF    1894 MCKINLEY  CAMPAIGN  OF   1896 — 

ILLINOIS  A  PIVOTAL  STATE — TANNER  ELECTED  GOVERN- 
OR  CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  THE  SENATE WILLIAM  E. 

MASON  ELECTED  SENATOR — LYMAN  J.  GAGE  IN  MCKIN- 
LEY'S  CABINET.  .  .  .  .  .175 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

REPEAL  OF  THE  "ALLEN   BILL" JOHN   HAY  SECRETARY  OF 

STATE RICHARD  YATES  ELECTED  GOVERNOR — RE-ELEC- 
TION OF  MCKINLEY CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  SENATE 

HOPKINS  CHOSEN  SENATOR CANNON  SPEAKER  OF  THE 

HOUSE.  187 


Contents  xi 

CHAPTER  XIX 

PROLONGED  GUBERNATORIAL  DEADLOCK  OF  1904 NOMINA- 
TION OF  DENEEN — STRUGGLE  TO  SECURE  DIRECT  PRI- 
MARY ELECTION  LAW — DEATH  OF  CONGRESSMAN  HITT 
— CULLOM  RE-ELECTED  SENATOR.  .  .  199 

CHAPTER  XX 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1908 — WILLIAM  LORIMER  ELECTED  SENATOR 
— CORRUPTION  SCANDAL — MEMBERS  OF  LEGISLATURE 
CONFESS  ACCEPTING  BRIBES — LORIMER  EXPELLED  FROM 
THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE.  .  .  .  211 

CHAPTER  XXI 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1910 — SPECIAL  ELECTION  SUBMITTING  QUES- 
TIONS OF  REFERENDUM  AND  RECALL STATE-WIDE 

CIVIL  SERVICE  LAW  AND  CORRUPT  PRACTICE  ACT.          219 

CHAPTER  XXII 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1912 FIRST  PRESIDENTIAL  PRIMARY — ROOSE- 
VELT WINS — DENEEN  RENOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR — 

SHERMAN  DEFEATS  CULLOM   FOR  SENATOR DEATH   OF 

SECRETARY  ROSE — C.  J.  DOYLE  APPOINTED.  .         222 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  AT  CHICAGO RENOM- 

INATION  OF  TAFT  AND  SHERMAN — PROGRESSIVES  BOLT 
AND  NOMINATE  ROOSEVELT  AND  MARSHALL — A  FINAL 
WORD.  23 1 


Portraits 

"The  First  American"           .  .  .  Frontispiece 

Lyman  Trumbull             .           .           •           •  28 

Stephen  A.  Douglas        ....  56 

Richard  Yates       ...                      .           .  76 

Richard  J.  Oglesby          .  96 

Ulysses  S.  Grant             .  143 
John  A.  Logan      ....•• 

John  M.  Palmer             .  170 

Joseph  G.  Cannon           .           .           .           •           •  197 

Charles  S.  Deneen           .           .  207 

Shelby  M.  Cullom 226 


xiii 


CHAPTER  I 

BEGINNINGS  OF  SLAVERY ENGLAND  FORCES  EVIL  UPON  THE 

COLONIES — SLAVERY   EXCLUDED   FROM    NEW  TERRITORY 

— COMPROMISES  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION THE  MISSOURI 

COMPROMISE. 

REPRESENTATIVE  government  is  necessarily  ad- 
ministered through  political  organization.  Parties, 
like  nations,  may  have  their  rise,  decline  and  fall ;  but 
others  will  speedily  emerge  from  their  ruins.  James  A.  Gar- 
field  did  not  state  the  case  too  strongly  when  he  said :  "Organ- 
izations may  change  or  dissolve,  but  when  parties  cease  to  exist, 
liberty  will  perish."  Parties  are  born,  not  made,  and  they  have 
their  own  organic  life  and  individuality,  which  outlive  the  men 
who  make  up  their  rank  and  file.  Early  in  the  administration 
of  President  Washington  two  general  principles  of  govern- 
ment became  incarnated  in  Hamilton  and  Jefferson.  They 
represented  the  two  poles  of  political  thought.  The  one  be- 
lieved in  the  centralization  of  power ;  the  other  was  the  apostle 
of  individualism.  Amid  all  the  mutations  of  a  century  and  a 
quarter  these  conceptions  of  government  have  been  in  the  fore- 
front, and  the  lines  were  never  more  sharply  drawn  than  they 
are  today.  There  may  be  so-called  "eras  of  good  feeling," 
times  when  the  claims  of  party  are  disregarded ;  but  these  are 
transitional  periods  rather  than  a  normal  status.  When  any 
established  order  is  about  to  pass  away,  there  will  surely 
follow  a  re-alignment  upon  new  and  living  issues. 

The  history  of  the  Republican  party  has  for  sixty  years, 
with  two  brief  intervals,  been  the  political  history  of  the 

2 


2  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

nation.  Illinois  has  from  the  first  been  a  stronghold  of 
Republicanism.  Only  once  since  1856  has  the  enemy  suc- 
cessfully stormed  the  citadel.  The  beginnings  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  Illinois  is  a  story  of  thrilling  interest ;  it  is  full 
of  the  romance  of  history.  The  heroes  were  not  Quixotic 
adventurers  waging  fierce  battles  with  imaginary  foes.  They 
were  men  of  heroic  mold,  whom  the  old  Norsemen  would 
have  enrolled  among  the  heroes  in  the  halls  of  Valhalla. 
They  were  knights  of  true  chivalry,  who  drew  their  swords 
for  freedom,  liberty  and  law.  The  rise  of  this  party  to  power 
will  make  its  appeal  to  the  student  of  state  history,  irrespec- 
tive of  his  personal  opinion.  A  brief  survey  of  earlier  politi- 
cal history  will  afford  the  necessary  background. 

African  slavery  existed  in  the  United  States  nearly  two 
and  a  half  centuries.  In  August,  1619,  a  Dutch  vessel 
entered  James  river  with  twenty  slaves.  They  were  pur- 
chased by  the  colonists,  and  their  offspring  endured  perpetual 
servitude.  One  year  later  the  pilgrims  landed  on  Plymouth 
rock.  Thus  there  were  transplanted  to  the  virgin  soil  of  the 
new  world,  almost  simultaneously,  the  civilizations  of  the 
Puritan  and  the  cavalier. 

From  1619  until  1775,  a  period  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty-six  years,  the  colonial  policy  of  England  was  under  the 
control  of  the  friends  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade.  Her 
merchants  and  manufacturers  quickly  caught  the  spirit 
that  emanated  from  parliament  and  the  throne.  Under 
the  fostering  care  of  the  mother  country,  slavery  flourished  in 
the  colonies.  More  than  three  hundred  thousand  bondsmen 
were  imported ;  and  colonial  legislation  designed  to  restrict 
or  prohibit  the  traffic  was  nullified  by  the  home  government. 
Henry  Wilson  tells  the  story  in  a  single  sentence:  "British 
avarice  planted  slavery  in  America;  British  legislation  sane- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  3 

tioned  and  maintained  it;  British  statesmen  sustained  and 
guarded  it." 

When  the  declaration  of  independence  was  promulgated 
by  the  continental  congress  in  1776  African  slavery  had  been 
established  in  every  one  of  the  thirteen  colonies. 

The  treaty  of  Paris  was  signed  in  1783,  by  which  the 
independence  of  the  colonies  was  acknowledged.  Between 
the  thirty-first  and  forty-seventh  parallels  of  latitude  was  a 
vast  unorganized  territory  that  was  conceded  to  be  embraced 
within  the  limits  of  the  new  republic.  This  domain  was 
claimed  by  the  states  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia,  by  virtue  of 
their  respective  royal  charters.  These  claims  were  resisted 
by  the  other  states,  which  contended  that  the  territory  which 
had  been  acquired  in  a  common  struggle  should  inure  to 
the  good  of  all.  Virginia  solved  the  problem  by  magnani- 
mously surrendering  the  larger  portion  of  her  territory.  Other 
states  relinquished  their  shadowy  claims.  By  these  means  a 
magnificent  national  domain  was  created  beyond  the  Alle- 
ghanies. 

The  slavery  question  quickly  came  to  the  front.  In  1784 
the  continental  congress  accepted  from  the  Old  Dominion 
a  deed  of  cession  of  all  the  lands  claimed  by  her  northwest  of 
the  Ohio  river.  A  select  committee  prepared  a  plan  of  govern- 
ment for  this  territory  and  for  any  other  domain  that  might 
be  subsequently  ceded.  This  plan  provided  that  slavery 
should  not  be  permitted  after  the  year  1800.  This  provision 
failed  to  pass  and  thus  Liberty  suffered  defeat  in  her  very  first 
contest  with  the  Slave-Power.  This  measure  would  have 
secured  to  freedom  not  only  the  great  Northwest  territory, 
but  also  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama  and  Mississippi. 

In  1787  a  congressional  committee,  of  which  Nathan  Dane 


4  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

was  chairman,  reported  an  ordinance  for  the  government  of 
the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio  river.  It  provided  that 
slavery  should  be  forever  prohibited.  This  ordinance  was 
promptly  passed  by  congress  and  the  territory  now  comprised 
within  the  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and 
Wisconsin,  was  forever  consecrated  to  freedom.  In  1789  the 
first  congress  under  the  constitution  passed  a  bill,  without 
opposition  in  either  house,  which  gave  emphatic  sanction  to 
the  ordinance  of  1787.  Freedom  had  now  won  a  victory  in 
the  outposts  of  civilization,  which  proved  an  impregnable 
Gibraltar.  This  was  the  first  territory  over  which  the  general 
government  had  exclusive  control  and  the  prompt  prohibition 
of  slavery  therein  is  a  significant  fact. 

When  the  constitutional  convention  assembled  in  1787, 
slavery  existed  in  twelve  of  the  thirteen  states.  Massachu- 
setts had  become  a  free  state  through  a  decision  of  her  supreme 
court,  based  on  a  clause  in  her  bill  of  rights  in  her  new  con- 
stitution. The  compromises  on  the  slavery  question  made 
possible  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  and  the  founding  of 
a  federal  government.  Without  these  concessions  it  would 
have  then  been  impossible  for  the  thirteen  struggling  states 
to  form  "a  more  perfect  union."  There  were  three  compro- 
mises: The  African  slave  trade  was  not  to  be  prohibited 
within  twenty  years;  three-fifths  of  the  slaves  were  to  be 
counted  in  the  apportionment  of  representatives  in  congress; 
and  fugitives  from  service  were  to  be  returned  to  their  owners. 
In  accordance  with  the  last  named  condition  congress  enacted 
in  1793  a  fugitive  slave  law,  which  remained  in  force  until 
1850. 

The  fathers  of  the  republic  did  not  desire  to  perpetuate 
slavery.  On  the  contrary,  they  believed  that  by  the  provis- 
ions of  the  constitution  they  had  placed  the  evil  where  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  5 

public  could  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  was  in  the  course  of  ul- 
timate extinction.  These  hopes  might  have  been  realized 
had  it  not  been  for  the  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  by  Eli 
Whitney  in  1792.  This  machine  greatly  facilitated  the  prep- 
aration of  cotton  for  market.  The  demand  for  slave  labor 
was  greatly  enhanced.  Slavery,  instead  of  being  placed  in 
process  of  extinction,  fastened  its  poisonous  coils  upon  the 
young  republic. 

Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  made  cessions  of 
southern  territory  to  the  general  government,  but  each  exacted 
the  stipulation  that  slavery  should  not  be  prohibited.  From 
this  domain  were  created  the  slave  states  of  Kentucky,  Tenn- 
essee, Alabama  and  Mississippi.  Thus  the  Ohio  river  became 
the  dividing  line  between  slavery  and  freedom.  "North  of 
it  freedom  was  forever  decreed.  South  of  it  slavery  was  firm- 
ly established."  The  republic  became  half  slave  and  half 
free,  but  it  could  not  in  this  way  permanently  endure. 

The  next  struggle  came  without  warning.  The  north  and 
the  south  suddenly  found  themselves  arrayed  against  each 
other  with  relentless  energy.  The  fates  seemed  to  conspire 
against  freedom.  The  purchase  of  Louisiana  appeared  to 
offer  a  wide  field  for  the  expansion  of  southern  principles. 
This  vast  domain  beyond  the  Father  of  Waters  was  like  a 
vision  of  Canaan  to  the  slavery  propagandists.  Stimulated 
by  the  use  of  the  cotton  gin,  cotton  planting  had  become 
within  thirty  years  the  most  remunerative  industry  in  the 
south.  At  this  juncture  the  struggle  over  the  admission  of 
Missouri  appears  on  the  horizon. 

The  "Missouri  question"  formally  appeared  in  congress 
in  1818.  When  the  bill  for  the  admission  of  Missouri 
as  a  slave  state  came  before  the  house,  James  Tallmadge,  Jr., 
a  member  from  New  York,  offered  an  amendment  which 


6  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

would  ultimately  destroy  slavery  in  the  new  state.  The  house 
passed  the  bill  with  the  amendment,  but  the  senate  refused  to 
concur.  In  the  following  year  the  house  again  passed  the  bill 
in  the  same  form.  The  senate  voted  to  admit  Maine  provided 
Missouri  was  admitted  as  a  slave  state.  The  house  rejected 
the  proposal.  At  this  point  Jesse  B.  Thomas,  a  senator  from 
Illinois,  offered  what  is  known  as  the  famous  "Missouri  com- 
promise." This  feature  forever  prohibited  slavery  north  of 
thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  in  all  territory  acquired  from 
France  by  the  Louisiana  purchase.  The  house  agreed  to  the 
compromise  and  Missouri  was  given  permission  to  enter  the 
union  as  a  slave  state,  subject  to  the  compromise,  which  formed 
a  part  of  the  enabling  act. 

The  people  of  Missouri,  however,  were  disconcerted  at 
the  prospect  of  three  adjoining  free  states.  In  a  resentful 
mood,  and  led  by  extremists,  they  inserted  a  provision  in  the 
state  constitution  requiring  the  legislature  to  enact  laws  to 
prevent  free  negroes  or  mulattoes  from  coming  into  the  state. 
A  bitter  parliamentary  struggle  ensued  in  congress  and  there 
were  frequent  threats  of  dissolving  the  union.  After  a  pro- 
longed contest,  and  through  the  instrumentality  of  a  joint 
committee,  a  second  compromise  was  effected.  The  admission 
of  Missouri  was  secured  upon  condition  that  her  legislature 
should  never  enact  a  law  enforcing  the  odious  provision  in 
her  constitution.  Missouri  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  and 
promptly  but  not  gracefully  accepted  the  humiliating  con- 
dition. Thus  was  effected  a  prolonged  truce  in  the  "irrepres- 
sible conflict." 


CHAPTER  II 

RISE     OF     THE     ABOLITIONISTS — ANNEXATION     OF     TEXAS — 

WAR  WITH  MEXICO PARITY  OF  SLAVE  AND  FREE  STATES 

— WILMOT    PROVISO GENERAL   TAYLOR   ELECTED    PRES- 
IDENT— HENRY  CLAY'S  COMPROMISE  MEASURES. 

MISSOURI  came  into  the  union  as  the  twenty-fourth 
state.     With  the  settlement  of  this  question  the 
anti-slavery  agitation  quickly  subsided.    The  north 
believed  it  had  secured  to  freedom  all  the  territory  above  the 
compromise  line.    The  south  insisted  upon  the  right  to  create 
new  slave  states  below  that  boundary.    This  implied  under- 
standing was  accepted  by  the  great  political  parties,  and  for 
the  next  twenty  years  there  was  no  discussion  of  the  slavery 
issue  in  their  national  conventions. 

Meanwhile  the  leaven  of  abolitionism  was  at  wrork.  A 
radical  group  of  reformers  arose,  pledged  to  the  utter  over- 
throw of  slavery  by  any  lawful  means.  They  recognized  the 
limitations  imposed  by  the  constitution,  and  urged  only  such 
reforms  as  clearly  came  within  the  scope  of  congress.  These 
men  demanded  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  in  the  forts,  arsenals  and  dock  yards;  the 
prohibition  of  the  interstate  slave  trade ;  that  American  ships 
sailing  on  the  high  seas  should  not  be  allowed  to  carry  slaves 
as  cargo.  These  Abolitionists  would  not  assist  in  the  return 
of  fugitive  slaves  because  it  did  violence  to  their  conscience. 
Among  the  leaders  of  this  movement  were  James  G.  Birney, 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Theodore  Parker,  Wendell 
Phillips,  John  G.  Whittier  and  Charles  Sumner. 

7 


8  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Abolitionists  were  a  leavening  rather  than  a  directly 
constructive  force.  They  pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes 
and  their  sacred  honor  to  the  eternal  law  of  justice  and  be- 
lieved the  universe  was  pledged  to  their  cause.  The  reformer 
and  his  reform  rarely  succeed  in  the  same  age;  but  time  vin- 
dicated the  faith  of  these  prophets.  The  method  of  deliver- 
ance was  yet  to  be  revealed.  The  Arbiter  of  nations  was  so 
to  execute  his  sovereign  will  that  the  wrath  of  man  should 
praise  him.  This  heroic  band  of  idealists  assailed  wickedness 
in  high  places.  It  was  a  time  when  Truth  was  on  the  scaffold, 
and  Wrong  on  the  throne.  But  these  men  had  a  vision  of 
truth  like  unto  the  stone  cut  without  hands  from  the  moun- 
tain, in  the  vision  of  Daniel's  king,  that  broke  in  pieces  the 
great  image,  and  filled  the  whole  earth. 

During  the  decade  from  1840  to  1850  the  Slave-Power 
became  aggressive.  It  dictated  the  policy  of  the  nation. 
Texas  revolted  from  Mexico  in  1835,  declared  itself  inde- 
pendent in  1836,  and  in  the  following  year  its  independence 
was  recognized  by  the  United  States.  Americans  emigrated 
to  that  province  and  became  the  dominant  power  in  the  young 
republic.  Thenceforward  the  annexation  of  Texas  was  re- 
ceived with  more  or  less  favor  in  the  United  States;  but  it 
was  not  until  1844  that  it  became  a  political  issue.  The 
scheme  had  many  supporters  in  the  Democratic  party  in  1836, 
but  the  leaders  were  afraid  of  it.  In  1840  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
who  was  again  aspiring  to  the  presidency,  desired  to  avoid  the 
issue  and  it  was  omitted  from  the  party's  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples. It  was  reserved  for  the  administration  of  John  Tyler 
to  accomplish  the  long-cherished  plan  of  annexation. 

After  the  retirement  of  Webster  and  the  tragic  death  of 
Upshur,  John  C.  Calhoun  became  secretary  of  state  in  the 
cabinet  of  President  Tyler.  The  president  wanted  the  an- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  9 

nexation  of  Texas  to  be  the  distinctive  feature  of  his  admin- 
istration. Mr.  Calhoun  loved  the  south,  and  he  fully  believed 
that  he  now  had  the  opportunity  of  his  life  to  extend  her 
power.  Southward  and  westward  the  star  of  empire  should 
take  its  way.  A  treaty  of  annexation  was  sent  to  the  senate 
in  April,  1844.  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  the  respec- 
tive leaders  of  the  two  parties,  were  anxious  to  eliminate  the 
Texas  question  from  the  ensuing  presidential  campaign;  and 
the  treaty  failed  in  the  senate. 

In  May,  1844,  the  Whig  party  nominated  Mr.  Clay  in 
Baltimore  on  a  platform  that  was  silent  on  the  Texas 
question.  The  Democrats  were  more  courageous.  In  the 
convention  which  repudiated  Van  Buren  and  nominated 
James  K.  Polk  for  president,  they  boldly  declared  for  annexa- 
tion. During  the  progress  of  the  campaign,  Mr.  Clay  real- 
ized that  his  attitude  against  annexation,  as  declared  in  his 
famous  Raleigh  letter  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer, 
was  jeopardizing  his  prospects.  He  thereupon  wrote  to 
Stephen  Miller,  of  Tuscaloosa,  what  is  known  as  his  Alabama 
letter,  in  which  he  said  that,  "far  from  having  any  personal 
objection  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,"  he  "would  be  glad  to 
see  it  annexed,  without  dishonor,  without  war,  with  the  com- 
mon consent  of  the  union,  and  upon  just  and  fair  terms." 
This  letter  proved  to  be  Mr.  Clay's  death  warrant.  He  lost 
prestige  in  the  free  states,  where  thousands  of  anti-slavery 
Whigs  cast  their  votes  for  James  G.  Birney,  turned  the  bal- 
ance of  power  against  Clay,  and  elected  Polk.  The  Democrats 
had  won  the  election  on  the  square  issue  of  annexation.  Mr. 
Clay  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  defeated  the  treaty  negotiated 
by  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  they  in  turn  were  overruled  by  the 
popular  vote. 

The  plan  of  annexation  was  quickly  consummated.     Mr. 


10  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Calhoun  sought  quick  revenge.  He  devised  the  short  cut 
scheme  of  annexation  by  joint  resolution  of  congress,  which 
passed  both  houses  in  time  to  receive  President  Tyler's  sig- 
nature three  days  before  he  retired  from  office.  Texas  ac- 
cepted the  terms  of  the  resolution  and  in  December  following 
was  admitted  into  the  union  as  a  slave  state.  The  Slave-Power 
had  triumphed.  The  country  was  soon  to  pay  the  price  of 
blood,  for  grim-visaged  war  was  already  seen  upon  the  horizon. 

The  United  States  had  annexed  a  neighboring  republic. 
Mexico  had  never  acknowledged  the  independence  of  her 
rebellious  territory,  nor  abandoned  her  purpose  of  subjugation. 
The  Mexican  minister  at  Washington  entered  a  formal  pro- 
test against  the  proceeding,  demanded  his  passports  and  left 
the  country.  In  his  message  to  congress  President  Polk  an- 
nounced that  he  had  sent  a  squadron  to  the  west  Mexican 
coast  and  troops  to  the  western  border  of  Texas.  This  act 
was  throwing  down  the  gauntlet  to  the  enemy.  Mexico  ac- 
cepted the  challenge.  It  was  believed  in  the  north  the  pres- 
ident intended  to  grasp  even  more  territory  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande.  This  suspicion  produced  an  immediate  revival  of 
the  anti-slavery  agitation.  There  was  a  revolt  throughout 
the  country  against  the  war-policy  of  the  president.  In  the 
south  both  parties,  by  the  supposed  necessity  of  the  situation, 
upheld  slavery  and  the  president's  purpose  to  give  it  new 
worlds  to  conquer.  In  the  north  each  party  had  its  pro- 
slavery  and  anti-slavery  wing.  The  union  was  a  house 
divided  against  itself. 

From  the  foundation  of  the  government  to  the  inaugura- 
tion of  President  Polk  the  balancing  of  forces  between  slave 
and  free  states  had  been  maintained  with  absolute  precision. 
Slave  and  free  states  had  been  admitted  into  the  union  in  pairs. 
Seven  of  the  thirteen  original  states  had  become  free.  Fifteen 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  11 

states  were  admitted  into  the  union  prior  to  the  annexation 
of  Texas.  Eight  were  slave  and  seven  free.  Thus  in  March, 
1845,  there  were  twenty-eight  states,  fourteen  slave  and  four- 
teen free. 

The  occupation  of  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  Gen- 
eral Taylor  in  the  winter  of  1845-46  precipitated  hostilities. 
May  13,  1846,  the  two  republics  were  formally  declared  to  be 
at  war.  The  United  States  used  the  giant's  power  against 
a  weaker  neighbor,  and  the  struggle  lasted  less  than  two  years. 
A  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  February  2,  1848,  by  which 
Mexico  relinquished  her  claim  to  Texas  and  ceded  Upper 
California  and  New  Mexico.  New  territory  was  gained, 
but  the  honor  of  the  nation  was  compromised. 

During  the  war,  in  August,  1846,  David  Wilmot,  a  mem- 
ber of  congress  from  Pennsylvania,  submitted  an  amendment 
to  a  bill  appropriating  two  million  dollars  to  be  "applied 
under  the  direction  of  the  president  to  any  extraordinary  ex- 
penses which  may  be  incurred  in  our  foreign  intercourse." 
Mr.  Wilmot's  proviso  declared  it  to  be  "an  express  and  fun- 
damental condition  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from 
Mexico,  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall 
exist  therein." 

The  proviso  failed  in  both  houses  of  congress,  but  it  created 
a  more  profound  impression  in  the  country  than  the  Missouri 
compromise.  "The  consecration  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  to  freedom  became  from  that  day  a  rallying  cry  for 
every  shade  of  anti-slavery  opinion." 

A  king  of  ancient  Babylon  decreed  that  those  who  would 
not  bow  to  his  image  of  gold  should  be  cast  into  a  burning, 
fiery  furnace.  So  the  Slave-Power  demanded  the  allegiance 
of  all  political  parties.  The  Whigs  became  alarmed,  aban- 
doned the  purpose  of  the  Wilmot  proviso,  and  in  1848  nomi- 


12  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

nated  General  Taylor,  with  no  declaration  of  principles.  The 
leaders  adopted  a  non-committal  policy  on  slavery  as  the  only 
hope  of  the  party.  The  Democrats  reaffirmed  the  essential 
features  of  its  platform  of  1844,  and  nominated  General 
Lewis  Cass  for  president.  General  Taylor's  military  renown 
gave  him  prestige  and  he  was  elected. 

But  there  was  an  increasing  number  of  those  in  both  par- 
ties who  would  not  bow  the  knee  to  Baal.  There  were  "con- 
science" Whigs  and  "barn-burner"  Democrats ;  and  these  co- 
operated with  the  old  Abolitionists,  and,  under  the  name  of 
the  "Free-Soil  party,"  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  and 
Charles  Francis  Adams.  This  presidential  ticket  received 
291,678  votes.  In  1844  James  G.  Birney  had  received  58,879 
votes  as  the  abolition  candidate  for  president,  and  in  1840 
Mr.  Birney  had  been  able  to  command  only  6,745  votes. 
This  rapid  gain  in  eight  years  in  the  numerical  strength  of  the 
anti-slavery  vote,  and  the  moral  earnestness  and  power  it  rep- 
resented, portended  a  still  greater  conflict.  It  was  not  long 
delayed. 

With  the  election  of  Zachary  Taylor,  the  slavery  question 
was  still  undecided.  The  country  awaited  with  almost  pain- 
ful interest  the  announcement  of  his  cabinet  and  his  policy. 
The  weight  of  influence  in  the  personnel  of  his  cabinet  was 
with  the  north.  The  pro-slavery  leaders  were  disconcerted 
and  feared  "the  south  had  sown  and  the  north  would  reap." 
They  wanted  positive  legislation  to  establish  their  right  to 
carry  their  slaves  into  the  territories,  and  to  extend  the  Mis- 
souri compromise  line  to  the  Pacific.  But  Fate  or  Providence 
decreed  otherwise.  Gold  was  discovered  in  California  in 
1848,  and  the  territory  was  quickly  settled  by  a  sturdy,  liberty- 
loving  people.  They  promptly  organized  a  state  government, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  13 

with  a  constitution  forever  excluding  slavery,  and  in  1849 
sought  admission  into  the  union. 

President  Taylor's  message  to  congress  in  December, 
1849,  was  a  dividing  sword.  It  inspired  the  friends  of  the 
union  and  alarmed  the  slavery  propagandists.  The  president 
recommended  the  immediate  admission  of  California  as  a  free 
state,  and  that  New  Mexico  be  continued  under  her  existing 
military  organization  until  she  was  ready  to  adopt  a  state 
constitution.  In  a  subsequent  special  message  the  president 
said  the  claim  of  Texas  to  a  portion  of  New  Mexico  could 
not  be  judicially  determined  while  the  latter  remained  a 
territory.  These  recommendations  intensified  sectional  feel- 
ing, and  the  entire  country  felt  its  impulse. 

At  this  crisis  Henry  Clay  re-entered  the  senate  in  the  role 
of  peacemaker.  In  January,  1850,  he  introduced  a  series  of 
resolutions  to  secure  an  "amicable  arrangement  of  all  questions 
in  controversy  between  the  free  and  slave  states  growing  out 
of  the  subject  of  slavery."  These  resolutions  were  referred 
to  a  special  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Clay  was  chairman. 
Mr.  Clay  reported  a  bill  embodying  the  measures  which  were 
considered  necessary  to  pacify  the  country.  It  was  in  support 
of  these  measures  that  Mr.  Webster  made  his  memorable  "7th 
of  March  speech."  The  administration  opposed  Mr.  Clay's 
"omnibus  bill,"  as  it  was  called,  but  in  the  heat  of  the  debate 
President  Taylor  suddenly  died.  Mr.  Fillmore,  who  suc- 
ceeded, supported  the  compromise  measures.  They  were 
finally  defeated,  however,  in  July,  by  striking  out  every 
feature  except  the  provision  for  the  organization  of  the 
territory  of  Utah. 

After  the  Utah  bill  was  passed,  without  prohibition  or  per- 
mission of  slavery,  separate  bills  followed  for  the  admission  of 
California;  the  organization  of  New  Mexico,  with  the  same 


14  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

condition  respecting  slavery  which  had  applied  to  Utah ;  for 
the  adjustment  of  the  Texas  boundary  and  payment  of  in- 
demnity to  that  state ;  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  for  a  more  drastic  fugitive  slave  law. 
Congress  thus  enacted  the  bills  separately  which  it  had  refused 
to  pass  together.  Mr.  Clay's  policy  had  triumphed. 

The  fugitive  slave  law  was  especially  repugnant  to  the 
moral  sense  of  the  north.  The  protest  made  by  Theodore 
Parker  in  Boston  against  the  return  of  the  fugitive  slave  Sims 
is  perhaps  the  most  powerful  piece  of  invective  in  American 
literature. 

The  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  in  their  conventions 
of  1852  adopted  resolutions  declaring  the  compromise  meas- 
ures a  finality  on  the  slavery  question.  This  policy  prevailed 
in  Whig  councils  against  a  powerful  minority,  led  by  Seward, 
Fessenden  and  Wade,  who  demanded  that  not  a  single  foot 
of  the  virgin  soil  of  the  territories  should  ever  be  under  the 
curse  of  slavery.  The  triumph  of  the  Democratic  party  and 
the  dissolution  of  the  Whigs  appeared  to  settle  the  prolonged 
struggle.  But  no  question  is  ever  permanently  settled  until 
it  is  settled  right;  and  unsettled  questions  have  no  mercy  on 
the  peace  of  nations. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  INAUGURATION  OF  FRANKLIN  PIERCE — FIRST  NEBRASKA 
BILL — REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE SENA- 
TOR DOUGLAS'  MOTIVE — GREAT  MORAL  AWAKENING — 

ORIGIN  OF  NAME  REPUBLICAN — THE  ROCKFORD  CON- 
VENTION  POLITICS  AT  THE  STATE  FAIR — NO  CONTEM- 
PORARY REPORT — LINCOLN'S  AMBITION — THE  NOVEM- 
BER ELECTIONS — LYMAN  TRUMBULL  ELECTED  UNITED 
STATES  SENATOR. 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE  was  inaugurated  president  of 
the  United  States  March  4,  1853.  In  his  inaugural 
address  he  committed  himself  without  reserve  to  the 
support  of  Mr.  Clay's  compromise  measures.  In  his  message 
to  congress  the  following  December  the  president  congratu- 
lated the  country  that  the  compromise  legislation  had  "re- 
stored a  sense  of  repose  and  security  to  the  public  mind,"  and 
assured  his  countrymen  he  would  do  nothing  to  enkindle  again 
the  flame  of  party  strife.  A  majority  of  the  people,  north  and 
south,  were  satisfied  with  the  situation.  It  was  another  era 
of  good  feeling,  like  that  which  prevailed  during  the  pres- 
idency of  James  Monroe ;  but  it  was  a  calm  before  a  storm. 

The  outlook,  however,  was  discouraging  to  the  little  band 
of  Free-Soilers.  Chase  and  Sumner  stood  alone  in  the  senate. 
The  pro-slavery  party  controlled  every  branch  of  the  govern- 
ment. It  could  make,  execute  and  interpret  the  laws.  It  was 
Freedom's  darkest  hour.  There  was  little  resistance  to  the 
existing  order,  and  the  conscience  of  the  nation  seemed  dead. 
But  it  was  soon  to  be  awakened. 

15 


16  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  results  of  the  Mexican  war  had  disappointed  the 
slavery  propagandists.  Their  over-vaulting  ambition  had  de- 
feated itself.  They  had  drawn  the  sword  and  now  they 
feared  they  were  about  to  perish  by  it.  The  admission  of 
California  created  a  vast  empire  devoted  to  freedom.  The 
south  had  been  checkmated  in  the  desperate  game  of  national 
politics.  The  soil  and  climate  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
were  natural  barriers  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  which  was 
surrounded  by  free  territory,  like  a  Chinese  wall,  on  the  north 
and  west.  Slavery  would  ultimately  become  extinct  if  it 
could  not  expand;  and  its  supporters  determined  to  remove 
all  restrictions,  peaceably  if  they  could,  forcibly  if  they  must. 

The  westward  tide  of  emigration  had  prepared  the  way 
for  the  organization  of  new  territories.  In  December,  1852, 
toward  the  close  of  President  Fillmore's  administration, 
William  Hall,  of  Missouri,  introduced  a  bill  in  the  house  to 
organize  the  territory  of  "the  Platte."  This  region  included 
what  is  now  known  as  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  Mr.  Hall's 
bill  passed  the  house,  but  failed  in  the  senate.  Every  senator 
from  the  slave-holdng  states  except  those  from  Missouri  voted 
against  it.  The  bill  recognized  the  binding  force  of  the 
Missouri  compromise,  and  this  fact,  it  was  subsequently 
shown,  caused  its  defeat. 

The  question  was  revived  at  the  next  session  of  congress. 
January  4,  1854,  Senator  Douglas,  from  the  committee  on 
territories,  reported  a  bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Dodge  of  Iowa, 
to  organize  the  territory  of  Nebraska.  In  the  report  which 
accompanied  the  bill  Mr.  Douglas  declared  it  was  based  on 
the  principles  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  January 
16,  Archibald  Dixon,  who  had  succeeded  Henry  Clay  as  a 
senator  from  Kentucky,  offered  an  amendment  repealing  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  17 

Missouri  compromise,  so  that  "the  citizens  of  the  several 
states  shall  be  at  liberty  to  take  and  hold  their  slaves  within 
any  of  their  territories."  Mr.  Douglas  is  said  to  have  at  first 
remonstrated;  but  there  is  a  tradition  he  was  convinced  by 
Mr.  Dixon  that  the  Missouri  compromise  was  unconstitu- 
tional and  unfair  to  the  south.  Douglas  yielded.  "This 
proceeding,"  he  said,  "may  end  my  political  career,  but,  acting 
under  the  sense  of  duty  which  animates  me,  I  am  prepared  to 
make  the  sacrifice.  I  will  do  it." 

Mr.  Douglas  kept  his  word.  January  23  he  reported  a 
substitute  for  the  Nebraska  bill.  Instead  of  a  single  territory, 
it  provided  for  two,  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  The  Missouri 
compromise  was  declared  to  be  inoperative  and  void  because 
it  was  "inconsistent  with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by 
congress  with  slavery  in  the  states  and  territories,  as  recog- 
nized by  the  compromise  measures  of  1850."  The  bill  also 
declared  "its  true  intent  and  meaning  was  not  to  legislate 
slavery  into  any  territory  or  state,  and  not  to  exclude  it  there- 
from, but  to  leave  the  people  perfectly  free  to  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way."  The  bill  was  before 
the  house  four  months.  It  was  passed  in  the  senate  March 
3  by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  fourteen.  The  bill  passed  the 
house  May  24,  and  was  signed  by  President  Pierce  six  days 
later. 

Thus  the  ancient  landmark  which  the  fathers  had  set  was 
removed,  through  the  utter  destruction  of  good  faith  between 
the  sections.  The  north  was  stirred  to  a  white  heat  of  frenzy 
by  the  astounding  proposition  made  by  Mr.  Douglas,  who 
now  turned  to  the  difficult  task  of  defending  it  before  the 
country.  The  Missouri  compromise  had  come  to  be  regarded 
as  sacred.  It  was  the  ark  of  the  covenant.  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  had  undertaken  to  throw  open  to  slavery  a  vast 

3 


18  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

domain  that  had  been  forever  consecrated  to  freedom.  He 
drafted  the  bill  of  his  own  motion  and  in  his  own  house. 
While  the  initiative  in  this  revolutionary  proceeding  is  ac- 
credited to  Mr.  Dixon,  its  consummation  was  due  to  Mr. 
Douglas,  and  it  stands  out  as  the  most  notable  achievement  in 
his  remarkable  parliamentary  career. 

Historians  differ  as  to  whether  Mr.  Douglas  was  true  to 
himself  in  this  transaction.  On  the  one  hand,  he  is  credited 
with  inventing  the  pretense  that  the  compromise  of  1 820  was 
in  conflict  with  the  compromise  of  1850  and  that  it  was  nec- 
essary to  repeal  the  former  in  order  that  the  doctrine  of  non- 
intervention with  slavery  in  the  territories  should  be  recog- 
nized as  the  settled  policy  of  the  nation.  Mr.  Douglas  is 
charged  with  resorting  to  this  doctrine  as  a  matter  of  self- 
defense;  for  he  himself  confessed  that  he  could  travel  from 
Boston  to  Chicago  by  the  light  of  his  own  effigies.  But  Time 
softens  asperities,  and  a  late  biographer  of  Mr.  Douglas 
throws  the  mantle  of  charity  over  his  course  in  these  words: 
"It  is  enough  to  decide  he  took  a  wrong  course,  and  to  point 
out  how  Ambition  may  very  well  have  led  him  into  it. 
It  is  too  much  to  say  he  knew  it  was  wrong,  and  took  it  solely 
because  he  was  ambitious." 

History  moves  like  a  pendulum.  An  extreme  is  always 
followed  by  a  reaction.  The  effect,  if  not  the  actual  purpose, 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  to  give  slavery  an  even  chance 
with  freedom  in  the  territories.  The  progress  of  righteous- 
ness has  ever  been  due  as  much  to  the  errors  of  its  enemies  as 
to  the  wisdom  of  its  friends ;  and  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the 
achievement  of  Mr.  Douglas  stirred  a  tidal  wave  of  resistance 
that  swept  over  his  own  state  of  Illinois. 

The  organized  counter-movement  in  Illinois  during  its 
formative  period  was  known  simply  as  the  anti-Nebraska 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  19 

party.  It  was  rapidly  absorbing  the  more  progressive  elements 
in  the  old  organizations.  Congressmen  and  members  of  the 
legislature  were  being  nominated  on  the  new  issue  of  no  more 
slave  territory. 

The  selection  of  the  name  "Republican"  for  the  new  up- 
rising was  a  matter  of  development  rather  than  any  definite 
and  formal  christening.  "Seven  cities  fought  for  Homer 
dead."  Many  cities  have  likewise  claimed  the  distinction  of 
giving  the  Republican  party  its  "start  in  the  world."  Great 
movements  are  in  the  air  in  any  marked  period  of  transition. 
No  man  or  city  can  exclusively  claim  them.  They  are  rather 
the  result  of  the  awakened  conscience  of  a  people.  From  this 
fact  arises  the  difficulty,  if  not  impossibility,  of  determining  the 
birthplace  of  this  great  American  party  of  freedom. 

There  are,  however,  certain  facts  that  have  been  estab- 
lished with  reasonable  certainty  concerning  the  origin  of 
the  name.  Henry  Wilson,  former  vice-president  of  the  United 
States,  in  his  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave-Power,"  is  authority 
for  the  statement  that  on  the  night  following  the  final  passage 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  a  meeting  of  senators  and  repre- 
sentatives in  congress  who  had  opposed  that  measure  indorsed 
the  plan  for  such  an  organization.  At  an  anti-Nebraska  meet- 
ing in  Ripon,  Wisconsin,  March  29,  1854,  Alvin  E.  Bovay 
suggested  the  name  Republican  for  the  new  party.  It  is  now 
generally  conceded  that  Michigan  took  the  lead  in  formally 
adopting  the  name  Republican  at  a  state  convention  held  at 
Jackson  July  6,  1854.  In  1904,  on  the  fiftieth  anniversary 
of  that  event,  President  Roosevelt  declined  the  honor  of  an 
invitation  to  be  present  on  the  ground  that  the  birthplace  of 
the  party  was  a  matter  of  dispute,  and  that  he  did  not  wish  to 
give  official  recognition  to  any  of  the  rival  claimants. 

Wisconsin  followed  Michigan  July  13,  and  Vermont,  at 


20  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

a  state  convention  the  same  day,  selected  the  name  Republican. 
It  was  adopted  in  Massachusetts  at  a  mass  meeting  July  20. 
In  Illinois  there  was  hesitancy  among  the  anti-Nebraska 
leaders,  and  it  required  some  time  to  overcome  this  prejudice 
and  acquiesce  in  the  action  of  neighboring  states.  The  anti- 
Nebraska  convention,  held  at  Springfield  in  October,  1854, 
which  will  be  subsequently  considered,  adopted  a  platform  in 
harmony  with  what  afterward  became  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party.  The  name,  however,  was  not  adopted, 
although  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  a  letter  to  Ichabod  Codding, 
referred  to  "the  Republican  party."  Even  the  convention 
held  in  Bloomington  in  1856,  which  has  been  designated  as 
the  first  Illinois  state  Republican  convention,  was  not  called 
as  such,  and  the  name  was  nowhere  used  in  the  proceedings. 

The  claim  made  for  Rockford,  that  it  was  the  scene  of 
the  first  convention  for  the  nomination  of  a  member  of  con- 
gress in  Illinois  under  the  name  Republican,  is  well  founded. 
The  citizens  of  Winnebago  county,  who  were  largely  of  New 
England  blood  and  traditions,  were  among  the  first  in  Illinois 
to  demand  resistance  to  the  encroachments  of  the  Slave-Power. 
With  this  end  in  view,  a  call  was  issued  August  8,  1854,  to 
the  voters  of  the  First  congressional  district,  consisting  of 
Lake,  McHenry,  Boone,  Winnebago,  Stephenson,  Jo  Daviess, 
Carroll  and  Ogle  counties.  The  call  was  signed  by  forty-six 
citizens  of  Rockford  and  vicinity,  as  follows: 

"To  the  Electors  of  the  First  Congressional  District:  In 
view  of  the  rapidly  increasing  influence  of  the  Slave-Power, 
as  developed  in  the  recent  act  of  congress,  and  the  treachery 
of  so  large  a  number  of  representatives  chosen  to  guard  the 
interests  of  freemen,  the  undersigned  citizens  of  Winnebago 
county  most  urgently  request  the  electors  of  this  congressional 
district  who  have  the  interests  of  our  common  country  at  heart, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  21 

irrespective  of  party,  to  meet  at  the  court  house  in  Rockford, 
on  Wednesday,  the  30th  of  August,  instant,  either  by  delegates 
or  in  mass,  to  consult  upon  the  great  question  now  at  issue, 
and  to  adopt  such  measures  as  shall  be  deemed  most  efficient 
for  combining  our  efforts  and  energies  at  the  approaching 
congressional  and  state  elections,  so  as  to  prevent  the  still 
further  extension  of  slavery,  and  to  protect  the  great  interests 
of  free  labor  and  free  men  from  being  sacrificed  to  the  interest 
or  ambition  of  trading  politicians." 

C.  W.  Sheldon,  of  Rockford,  is  the  only  survivor  of  this 
protesting  group.  John  Travis,  another  signer,  was  the  first 
soldier  from  Winnebago  county  killed  in  the  civil  war.  He 
was  shot  through  the  heart  at  the  battle  of  Shiloh.  There 
were  thirteen  Democrats  in  the  convention  and  the  others  were 
Whigs  and  Free-Soilers.  It  was  understood  that  E.  B.  Wash- 
burne  would  be  nominated.  This  fact  called  forth  a  protest 
from  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  who  were  not  favorable 
to  Mr.  Washburne,  who  had  already  served  one  term  in 
congress  as  a  Whig. 

This  historic  mass  meeting  was  first  called  to  order  in  the 
court  house  and  from  there  adjourned  to  the  grove  west  of 
the  First  Baptist  church,  between  Court  and  Winnebago 
streets.  Mr.  Washburne  was  a  candidate  before  the  conven- 
tion. There  were  other  Richmonds  in  the  field:  Thomas 
J.  Turner  and  Martin  P.  Sweet,  of  Freeport;  James  L. 
Loop,  of  Rockford,  and  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  of  Belvidere. 

A  committee  on  resolutions,  consisting  of  one  member 
from  each  county,  was  nominated.  There  was  ambition 
mixed  with  patriotism.  It  was  a  time  of  the  breaking  up  of 
old  parties,  and  the  future  was  uncertain.  How  far  would  it 
be  safe  to  declare  against  the  action  of  congress?  This  was 
a  serious  question.  The  leaders  were  against  Mr.  Washburne, 


22  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

but  the  people  were  for  him.  There  is  a  tradition  that  the 
committee  on  resolutions  was  directed  somewhat  by  the  sug- 
gestions of  Mr.  Hurlbut,  in  preparing  anti-slavery  resolutions 
so  radical  that  Mr.  Washburne,  it  was  thought,  could  not 
accept  a  nomination  upon  them.  But  Mr.  Washburne  was 
equal  to  the  occasion,  and  he  declared  the  resolutions  met  his 
most  hearty  approval.  Whereupon  James  Loop  remarked, 
in  language  more  emphatic  than  pious,  that  Washburne  would 
swallow  anything.  Mr.  Washburne  was  therefore  nominated 
by  this  mass  convention. 

The  claim  that  this  was  a  real  Republican  convention  is 
sustained  by  a  paragraph  from  the  official  minutes,  signed  by 
U.  D.  Meacham,  of  Freeport,  one  of  the  secretaries.  This 
paragraph  says:  "On  motion  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  was 
nominated  by  acclamation  as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican 
party  of  the  First  congressional  district  of  Illinois,  for  con- 
gress, to  be  supported  at  the  coming  election."  A  local  news- 
paper, in  an  editorial  comment  on  the  convention,  said: 
"After  settling  a  few  other  matters,  the  convention  adjourned 
without  day,  and  the  Republican  party  was  supposed  to  be 
born."  The  Belvidere  Standard,  edited  by  Ralph  Roberts,  an 
anti-Nebraska  Democrat,  did  not  recognize  Mr.  Washburne's 
ability.  A  lengthy  editorial  on  the  convention  contained  this 
paragraph :  "The  speeches  were  mainly  short,  but  they  were 
pointed  and  practical,  except  Washburne's.  He  may  be  a 
practical  man,  but  he  gets  off  more  hifalutin,  bombastic  non- 
sense, when  he  speaks  on  the  slavery  question,  than  any  other 
man  we  ever  knew." 

The  regular  Whig  convention  for  the  First  district  was 
held  at  Rockford  one  week  later,  September  6.  Mr.  Wash- 
burne was  nominated,  and,  with  the  support  of  newly-made 
"Republicans"  and  old  Whigs,  he  was  elected  in  November. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  23 

The  anti-Nebraska  Democrats  nominated  E.  P.  Ferry,  of 
Lake  county. 

An  anti-Nebraska  convention  was  held  for  the  Second 
district  at  Aurora  September  28,  when  James  H.  Woodworth 
was  nominated  for  congress.  A  convention  held  at  Blooming- 
ton  for  the  Third  district  nominated  Jesse  O.  Norton.  In  the 
Alton  and  Belleville  district  Lyman  Trumbull  was  nomi- 
nated and  elected  as  an  avowed  anti-Nebraska  Democrat. 
In  the  other  five  congressional  districts  of  the  state  the  nom- 
inations were  made  on  the  old  party  lines. 

These  congressional  conventions  were  preceded  by  local 
conventions  of  a  similar  character  in  nearly  all  the  northern 
counties,  as  well  as  in  some  of  the  central  and  southern  sections 
of  the  state.  In  the  absence  of  previous  organization  these 
were  generally  mass  meetings  composed  of  self-appointed 
delegates. 

September  7,  1854,  the  Free  West,  a  weekly  newspaper 
printed  in  Chicago  and  edited  by  Zebina  Eastman,  published 
a  call  for  a  state  mass  convention  to  be  held  at  Springfield 
October  5,  1854,  "for  the  organization  of  a  party  which  shall 
put  the  government  upon  a  Republican  tack  and  to  secure  to 
non-slave-holders  throughout  the  union  their  just  and  consti- 
tutional weight  and  influence  in  the  councils  of  the  nation." 
The  date  finally  chosen,  however,  for  the  assembling  of  the 
convention  was  October  4,  the  second  day  of  the  state  fair, 
although  the  principal  business  was  transacted  on  the  following 
day.  Thus  the  first  state  anti-Nebraska  convention  in  Illinois 
was  held  in  the  state  house  at  Springfield,  October  4,  1854. 
This  gathering  was  called  as  a  "mass  convention."  The  first 
state  convention  to  which  regularly  accredited  delegates  were 
chosen  was  held  at  Bloomington  two  years  later.  This  was 


24  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

really  a  mass  meeting,  as  well  as  a  representative  body.  The 
convention  of  1854  was  its  forerunner. 

There  is  no  contemporary  report  of  this  convention. 
Neither  of  the  two  papers  published  in  Springfield  gave  an 
accurate  account  of  the  proceedings.  The  State  Journal, 
which  still  adhered  to  the  Whig  party,  disposed  of  the  subject 
in  two  or  three  lines.  The  State  Register,  the  Democratic 
organ,  eleven  days  later  published  a  series  of  radical  resolu- 
tions, purporting  to  have  been  adopted  at  the  Springfield  con- 
vention. As  a  matter  of  fact,  these  resolutions  were  adopted 
at  the  convention  of  the  Second  congressional  district  held  in 
Aurora.  Senator  Douglas,  in  his  second  debate  with  Lincoln 
at  Freeport,  was  humiliated  by  the  fact  that  he  had  been  duped 
by  his  own  newspaper  organ  into  charging  these  resolutions 
against  the  "black  Republicans"  at  Springfield. 

History  is  indebted  to  the  Chicago  Daily  Democrat  of 
November  2,  1860,  for  the  best  newspaper  account  of  the 
Springfield  convention.  It  was  evidently  written  by  an  eye- 
witness of  the  proceedings.  When  the  delegates  arrived  at 
the  capital  they  found  the  people  bound  hand  and  foot  by  a 
timid  conservatism.  They  had  not  obtained  the  use  of  the 
state  house  for  the  convention,  nor  had  any  local  notice  been 
given  of  the  meeting.  One  of  the  outside  delegates,  after  his 
arrival,  set  up  the  type  and  printed  handbills  announcing  the 
convention. 

There  is  a  tradition  that  only  twenty-six  persons  attended 
the  first  day's  session  of  this  "mass  convention."  Historians 
have  widely  differed  concerning  the  political  complexion  of  the 
personnel.  William  Eleroy  Curtis,  in  his  book,  "The  True 
Abraham  Lincoln,"  calls  it  "a  small  group  of  Abolitionists." 
William  H.  Herndon,  another  biographer  of  Lincoln,  also 
refers  to  them  in  similar  manner.  Mr.  Herndon,  writing 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  25 

upon  the  assumption  that  the  convention  was  dominated  by 
Abolitionists,  declares  that  they  were  determined  to  force  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  espouse  their  cause ;  that  Owen  Lovejoy  was  about 
to  invite  Mr.  Lincoln  to  address  their  meeting  when  Herndon 
advised  him  to  leave  the  city  as  quickly  as  possible.  Mr. 
Herndon  was  a  radical  Abolitionist,  but  he  knew  his  partner's 
political  ambition,  and  did  not  believe  it  would  be  wise  for  him 
to  become  identified  with  the  so-called  extremists. 

The  fact  that  Owen  Lovejoy,  an  Abolitionist  firebrand, 
was  a  member  of  the  convention,  gives  color  to  the  statement. 
The  conservative  character  of  the  platform,  however,  dis- 
proves the  statement  that  it  was  the  work  of  a  "groUp  of 
Abolitionists."  The  platform  opposed  the  extension  of  slavery, 
but  did  not  urge  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  nor  pro- 
pose to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  already  existed  under 
the  constitution.  There  was  a  meeting  of  Abolitionists  on  the 
evening  of  October  4,  and  it  is  probable  that  in  the  lapse  of 
time  the  proceedings  of  this  gathering  and  those  of  the  anti- 
Nebraska  convention  became  confused  by  the  later  historians. 

The  anti-Nebraska  convention  was  called  to  order  by 
Tuthill  King.  A.  C.  Throop  was  elected  chairman  and 
C.  C.  Flint  secretary.  John  E.  McClun,  of  McLean,  was 
nominated  for  state  treasurer,  the  only  state  officer  to  be 
elected  in  November.  A  state  central  committee  was  chosen, 
of  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  made  a  member.  Mr.  Lincoln, 
however,  did  not  attend  the  convention,  and  declined  to  serve 
as  a  member  of  the  committee. 

Such  was  the  birth  of  the  forerunner  of  the  Republican 
party  in  Illinois.  Its  origin  was  as  obscure  as  that  of  the  great 
commoner  who  first  led  it  to  victory.  The  anti-Nebraska 
convention  adopted  a  platform  in  harmony  with  the  principles 
of  later  Republicanism.  No  organization  was  perfected,  as 


26  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  state  central  committee  failed  to  serve,  but  the  convention 
had  stood  for  a  principle.  Its  leaders  were  like  a  voice  crying 
in  the  wilderness ;  they  were  the  forerunners  of  a  new  era. 

All  political  parties  took  advantage  of  the  state  fair  to  hold 
conventions  and  mass  meetings  and  discuss  the  issues  of  the 
day.  Among  the  leaders  present  on  this  occasion  were 
Richard  Yates,  John  M.  Palmer,  John  A.  Logan,  Lyman 
Trumbull,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Stephen  T.  Logan,  Owen 
Lovejoy,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lincoln.  The 
disruption  of  the  Whig  party  had  left  Mr.  Lincoln  a  political 
orphan.  He  was  adrift  for  a  time,  and  did  not  readily  find  new 
affiliations.  He  had  always  despised  slavery,  but  he  did  not 
sympathize  with  the  Abolitionists,  one  of  whose  leaders  had 
said  the  compact  between  the  north  and  the  south  was  "a 
covenant  with  death  and  an  agreement  with  hell."  Mr. 
Lincoln  needed  the  stimulus  of  a  crisis  before  he  could  find 
anchor  and  show  what  manner  of  man  he  was.  The  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  compromise  aroused  the  sleeping  lion,  and  he 
became  in  time  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  new  movement. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  an  ambitious  man.  Mr.  Herndon, 
his  law  partner  and  biographer,  says  his  ambition  was  a  little 
engine  that  knew  no  rest.  But  his  ambition  was  always  sub- 
ordinated to  his  passionate  love  of  truth.  In  1837  Rev.  Peter 
Akers  preached  a  powerful  discourse  at  Salem  on  the  evils 
of  slavery,  and  the  possibility  of  civil  war.  "Who  knows," 
said  the  preacher,  in  a  startling  climax,  "but  the  man  who  shall 
lead  the  nation  in  that  awful  time  may  be  in  this  audience 
today?"  Abraham  Lincoln  was  there;  and  who  shall  say- 
there  may  not  have  come  to  him  some  foregleam  of  his  destiny, 
like  the  dawning  of  the  consciousness  of  power  that  came  to 
Joseph,  the  young  Hebrew,  when  the  sun,  moon  and  eleven 
stars  did  obeisance  unto  him  in  the  wheat  fields  of  Canaan ! 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  27 

A  notable  feature  of  the  state  fair  was  the  discussions  of 
Senator  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lincoln.  Tuesday  evening, 
October  3,  Mr.  Douglas  expounded  his  doctrine  of  "popular 
sovereignty"  before  an  enthusiastic  throng.  Although  he  made 
an  able  and  audacious  speech,  he  was  embarassed  throughout 
by  the  fact  that  he  was  on  the  defensive.  Mr.  Lincoln  replied 
the  following  day  in  a  masterly  address.  His  audience  felt 
that  a  man  of  power  had  arisen,  a  Moses  to  lead  the  people. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  foreseen  and  studied  the  inevitable  issue, 
and  was  prepared  for  it  when  it  came.  He  could  interpret  it 
beyond  the  power  of  any  other  American.  He  abhorred 
slavery  and  believed  that  the  declaration  of  independence 
referred  alike  to  black  and  white  men.  As  a  strict  construc- 
tionist  of  the  constitution,  he  was  committed  against  interfer- 
ing with  slavery  where  it  already  existed ;  but  he  would  utter 
the  voice  of  warning  against  its  extension  into  new  territory. 
Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  is  a  masterful  exposition  of  the  principles 
upon  which  the  Republican  party  was  founded. 

Senator  Douglas  made  a  rejoinder  the  following  day. 

During  the  campaign  of  this  year  Illinois  was  visited  by 
such  distinguished  anti-slavery  orators  as  Cassius  M.  Clay, 
Salmon  P.  Chase  and  Joshua  R.  Giddings.  At  the  election  in 
November  E.  B.  Washburne,  Jesse  O.  Norton  and  James 
Knox,  Republicans,  were  elected  members  of  congress  from 
the  First,  Third  and  Fourth  districts,  respectively.  James 
H.  Woodvvorth,  William  A.  Richardson,  Thomas  L.  Harris, 
James  C.  Allen,  Lyman  Trumbull  and  Samuel  S.  Marshall 
were  chosen  from  the  Second,  Fifth,  Sixth,  Seventh,  Eighth 
and  Ninth  districts,  respectively.  Woodworth  and  Trumbull 
were  classified  as  anti-Nebraska  Democrats. 

The  anti-Nebraska  men  had  a  majority  in  the  legislature, 
to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  elected  a  member.  It  was  a 


28  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

difficult  task  to  classify  politically  the  members  of  the  general 
assembly  when  it  convened  January  1,  1855.  There  were 
old  line  Whigs,  straight  Democrats,  anti-Nebraska  Democrats, 
Know-Nothings,  Free-Soilers  and  Abolitionists. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  ambitious  to  succeed  General  Shields  in 
the  United  States  senate.  It  required  fifty-one  votes  to  elect  a 
senator,  and  the  forty-six  anti-Nebraska  Whigs  were  prac- 
tically a  unit  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
legislature  and  became  a  candidate.  The  few  Abolitionists 
distrusted  him,  and  the  five  anti-Nebraska  Democrats  held  the 
balance  of  power.  These  were  John  M.  Palmer,  Norman  B. 
Judd,  Burton  C.  Cook,  G.  T.  Allen  and  Henry  S.  Baker. 
After  several  votes,  to  prevent  the  election  of  Governor  Mat- 
teson,  a  Douglas  Democrat,  Mr.  Lincoln  with  remarkable 
magnanimity,  withdrew,  and  Lyman  Trumbull  was  elected  on 
the  tenth  ballot.  Mr.  Lincoln's  time  had  not  yet  come. 

Judge  Trumbull's  election  was  the  first  fruit  of  that 
political  revolution  in  Illinois  out  of  which  sprang  the  Repub- 
lican party.  He  was  descended  from  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished families  in  New  England,  and  was  born  in  Colchester, 
Connecticut,  October  12,  1813.  He  removed  to  Illinois  in 
early  manhood,  and  in  1841  he  became  secretary  of  state.  In 
1848  he  was  elected  one  of  the  justices  of  the  supreme  court 
of  Illinois.  Judge  Trumbull  was  one  of  the  five  Republican 
senators  who  voted  for  acquittal  in  the  impeachment  trial  of 
Andrew  Johnson.  He  possessed  a  remarkably  acute  and  an- 
alytical mind;  and  a  contemporary  says  he  was  regarded  as 
the  most  cold-blooded  man  who  had  ever  appeared  in  public 
life  in  Illinois.  Judge  Trumbull  occupied  a  position  of 
influence  as  chairman  of  the  judiciary  committee  of  the  senate. 


LYMAN    TRUMBULL 


CHAPTER  IV 

EDITORIAL  CONFERENCE  AT  DECATUR — STATE  REPUBLICAN 
CONVENTION  AT  BLOOMINGTON — THE  PLATFORM — LIN- 
COLN'S LOST  SPEECH  —  REPUBLICANS  ELECT  STATE 

TICKET. 

THE  failure  of  the  Springfield  convention  to  effect  a 
permanent  organization  made  it  necessary  for  such 
initiative  to  be  taken  by  others.  This  duty  devolved 
upon  a  group  of  anti-Nebraska  editors.  If  there  is  any  one 
man  in  Illinois  who  can  be  especially  designated  as  the  father 
of  the  Republican  party  as  a  state  organization  in  Illinois,  it 
is  Paul  Selby,  now  living  in  Chicago.  In  1856  Mr.  Selby  was 
editor  of  the  Morgan  Journal  at  Jacksonville.  Early  in 
January  of  that  year  there  appeared  in  the  editorial  columns 
of  the  Journal  a  suggestion  that  a  conference  of  anti-Nebraska 
editors  be  called.  Its  purpose  was  to  outline  political  action 
for  the  ensuing  state  and  national  campaigns.  The  first 
endorsement  came  from  the  Winchester  Chronicle,  then  under 
the  editorship  of  the  late  John  Moses,  who  became  the  private 
secretary  of  the  first  Governor  Richard  Yates,  and  still  later 
the  author  of  Moses'  History  of  Illinois.  The  Illinois  State 
Chronicle,  published  at  Decatur,  announced  a  similar  approval, 
and,  upon  the  suggestion  of  the  Chronicle,  Decatur  was  chosen 
as  the  place  of  meeting  and  February  22  as  the  date.  Other 
early  endorsers  were  the  Pike  County  Press  and  the  Chicago 
Tribune. 

A  formal  call  for  an  editorial  conference  was  issued,  which 
was  endorsed  by  twenty-five  newspapers.    Among  these  were 

31 


30  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  Tribune,  Staats  Zeitung  and  Journal,  of  Chicago,  and  the 
Pike  County  Press,  at  Pittsfield,  then  edited  by  the  late  John 
G.  Nicolay,  who  became  a  private  secretary  and  later  a 
biographer  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  conference  was  called  to  order  at  the  appointed  time. 
The  editors  met  in  the  Cassell  house,  later  the  Oglesby  house, 
and  subsequently  the  St.  Nicholas  hotel.  There  were  an  even 
dozen  anti-Nebraska  editors  at  the  conference.  A  heavy  snow 
storm  the  night  before  blockaded  railroads  and  prevented  a 
number  from  attending.  Two  or  three,  however,  arrived  in 
the  evening,  but  too  late  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings. 
Those  present  at  the  first  session  were :  Dr.  Charles  H.  Ray, 
Chicago  Tribune ;  George  Schneider,  Chicago  Staats  Zeitung ; 
V.  Y.  Ralston,  Quincy  Whig;  O.  P.  Wharton,  Rock  Island 
Advertiser;  Thomas  J.  Pickett,  Peoria  Republican;  E.  C. 
Daugherty,  Rockford  Register;  E.  W.  Blaisdell,  Jr.,  Rock- 
ford  Republican ;  Charles  Faxon,  Princeton  Post ;  A.  N.  Ford, 
Lacon  Gazette ;  B.  F.  Shaw,  Dixon  Telegraph ;  W.  J.  Usrey, 
Decatur  Chronicle;  Paul  Selby,  Morgan  Journal.  Mr. 
Selby  is  the  only  survivor. 

An  organization  was  effected  with  Paul  Selby  as  chair- 
man and  W.  J.  Usrey,  secretary.  Charles  H.  Ray,  George 
Schneider,  V.  Y.  Ralston,  O.  P.  Wharton,  E.  C.  Daugherty 
and  Thomas  J.  Pickett  were  appointed  a  committee  on 
resolutions.  A.  N.  Ford,  Charles  Faxon  and  B.  F.  Shaw 
were  the  committee  on  credentials. 

The  most  important  work  of  the  conference  was  trans- 
acted through  the  committee  on  resolutions.  Mr.  Lincoln 
came  from  Springfield  and  was  in  conference  with  the  com- 
mittee; and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  platform, 
reported  through  Dr.  Ray  as  the  chairman,  and  adopted  by 
the  conference,  bears  the  stamp  of  his  peculiar  intellect.  Mr. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  31 

Lincoln  was  the  only  outsider  admitted  to  the  deliberations 
of  the  conference,  and  his  relations  were  wholly  with  the 
committee  on  resolutions. 

The  platform  disavowed  any  intention  of  interfering  with 
slavery  in  the  states;  protested  against  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  territory  already  free;  demanded  the  restoration 
of  the  Missouri  compromise;  opposed  "Know-nothingism," 
which  had  swept  over  the  country,  and  concluded  with  a 
demand  for  reform  in  the  state  government.  It  was  a  con- 
servative platform,  so  far  as  slavery  was  concerned. 

The  conference  adopted  an  independent  resolution,  which 
recommended  that  a  state  convention  be  held  at  Bloomington 
May  29.  A  state  central  committee  was  appointed,  con- 
sisting of  one  member  from  each  congressional  district,  and 
two  for  the  state  at  large.  The  following  citizens  were  the 
members  of  the  committee,  chosen  in  the  order  of  their  dis- 
tricts: Selden  M.  Church,  Rockford;  W.  B.  Ogden, 
Chicago;  G.  D.  A.  Parks,  Joliet;  T.  J.  Pickett,  Peoria; 
Edward  A.  Dudley,  Quincy ;  W.  H.  Herndon,  Springfield ; 
R.  J.  Oglesby,  Decatur;  Joseph  Gillespie,  Edwardsville ; 
D.  L.  Phillips,  Jonesboro,  with  Gustavus  Koerner,  of  Belle- 
ville, and  Ira  O.  Williams  of  Rock  Island,  for  the  state  at 
large. 

The  members  of  this  committee,  with  three  exceptions, 
united  in  calling  the  convention  at  Bloomington.  These 
exceptions  were  W.  B.  Ogden,  R.  J.  Oglesby  and  Gustavus 
Koerner.  Dr.  John  Evans  and  Colonel  I.  C.  Pugh  filled  the 
places  of  Ogden  and  Oglesby  respectively. 

In  the  evening  a  banquet  was  tendered  the  editors  by  the 
citizens  of  Decatur  at  the  Cassell  house.  R.  J.  Oglesby 
presided  and  Abraham  Lincoln  made  the  principal  address. 
In  replying  to  the  suggestion  of  his  name  as  a  candidate  for 


32  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

governor,  Mr.  Lincoln  magnanimously  urged  the  nomination 
of  an  anti-Nebraska  Democrat  and  finally  named  William 
H.  Bissell  as  the  logical  candidate. 

The  first  Illinois  state  Republican  convention  was  held 
in  Bloomington,  May  29,  1856.  As  stated  in  a  preceding 
chapter,  the  name  Republican  was  not  mentioned  in  the  call, 
and  it  does  not  occur  in  the  proceedings.  By  common  consent, 
however,  it  has  become  known  in  the  history  of  the  state  as  a 
Republican  convention.  Thirty  counties  sent  no  delegates 
and  manj*  of  those  who  were  present  from  the  central  and 
southern  sections  were  self-appointed  and  represented  no  con- 
stituencies. Other  counties  were  represented  not  only  by 
duly  appointed  delegates,  but  by  prominent  citizens  who  lent 
the  weight  of  their  personal  influence  to  the  new  movement. 

The  convention  was  a  melting  pot  in  which  Democrats, 
Whigs,  Abolitionists  and  Know-nothings  were  to  be  fused 
into  a  new  party  that  was  to  win  its  first  victory  in  the  state 
six  months  later.  The  convention  was  of  such  importance 
that  a  certain  distinction  has  always  attached  to  the  delegates. 
The  actual  transactions  are  a  matter  of  record,  but  there  were 
no  reports  of  the  speeches  and  the  historian  is  obliged  to 
depend  mainly  upon  tradition. 

The  old  party  leaders  were  there.  Among  them  were 
Trumbull,  Palmer,  Lincoln,  Oglesby,  Went/worth,  Brown- 
ing, Yates,  Lovejoy  and  Koerner.  There  was  also  a  younger 
group  of  men  who  were  in  the  line  of  apostolic  succession  for 
leadership.  This  list  included  William  Pitt  Kellogg,  who 
became  governor  of  Louisiana  during  the  troublous  days  of 
reconstruction;  Thomas  J.  Henderson,  Thomas  J.  Pickett, 
Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  Joseph  Medill  and  John  F.  Farnsworth. 
Mr.  Medill  had  come  to  Chicago  from  Ohio  in  1855  and 
with  two  partners  purchased  the  Tribune.  Mr.  Medill  was 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  33 

the  Greeley  of  the  west,  and  under  his  editorial  management 
the  Tribune  became  a  powerful  exponent  of  Republican  prin- 
ciples. 

John  M.  Palmer  presided  over  the  convention,  and 
Richard  Yates,  William  Ross,  John  H.  Bryant,  David  L. 
Phillips,  James  M.  Ruggles,  G.  D.  A.  Parks,  John  Clark, 
Abner  C.  Harding  and  J.  H.  Marshall  were  vice-presidents. 
The  secretaries  were  Henry  S.  Baker,  of  Madison  county; 
Charles  L.  Wilson,  of  Cook;  John  Tillson,  of  Adams;  Wash- 
ington Bushnell,  of  La  Salle  and  B.  J.  F.  Hanna,  of  Ran- 
dolph. 

The  platform  embraced  the  following  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples: Opposition  to  the  Democratic  administration;  that 
congress  possessed  the  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  terri- 
tories and  should  exercise  that  power  to  prohibit  the  extension 
of  slavery  into  all  territory  heretofore  free ;  opposition  to  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  and  in  favor  of  making 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  free  states ;  loyalty  to  the  union  and  the 
constitution ;  a  demand  for  the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas 
under  the  free  constitution  adopted  by  her  people ;  liberty  of 
conscience  as  well  as  political  freedom,  proscribing  no  one  on 
account  of  religious  opinions  or  place  of  birth. 

William  H.  Bissell  was  nominated  for  governor.  Colonel 
Bissell  had  returned  as  a  hero  from  the  Mexican  war.  He 
had  commanded  a  regiment  of  the  bravest  of  Illinois  men,  of 
whom  he  was  the  idol.  He  fought  in  several  battles  and 
distinguished  himself  at  Buena  Vista.  After  his  return  to 
civil  life  he  was  elected  to  congress  several  terms  without 
opposition.  While  in  congress  he  denounced  Jefferson  Davis, 
who  had  cast  reflections  upon  Illinois  men  who  had  fought 
in  the  war  with  Mexico.  Davis  challenged  his  adversary  to 
fight  a  duel.  Bissell  accepted,  and  chose  muskets  to  be  used 


34  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

at  such  short  range  that  it  meant  sure  death  to  one  or  both. 
Through  the  intercession  of  President  Zachary  Taylor,  Davis' 
father-in-law,  the  challenge  was  withdrawn. 

Francis  A.  Hoffman  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor; Ozias  M.  Hatch  for  secretary  of  state;  Jesse  K. 
Dubois  for  auditor  of  public  accounts;  James  Miller  for 
treasurer;  William  H.  Powell  for  superintendent  of  public 
instruction.  It  was  found  that  Mr.  Hoffman,  who  was  a 
native  of  Germany,  had  not  been  a  resident  of  the  state  four- 
teen years,  and  was  therefore  ineligible  under  the  constitution. 
John  Wood,  of  Adams  county,  was  subsequently  nominated 
for  lieutenant-governor. 

The  nominations  were  not  made  in  the  usual  manner. 
Bissell  and  Hoffman  were  nominated  by  acclamation,  and  the 
others  upon  the  recommendation  of  a  committee,  of  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  chairman.  The  old  state  central  com- 
mittee was  continued.  The  ticket  was  a  concession  to  the  old 
Whig  and  Democratic  elements  in  the  convention.  No  rad- 
ical Republican  received  recognition. 

Eloquent  orators  enkindled  the  fire  of  devotion  on  this 
new  altar  of  freedom.  John  M.  Palmer  spoke  from  the 
standpoint  of  an  old  school  Democrat ;  Browning  as  a  Whig  ; 
while  Lovejoy,  in  the  words  of  John  Moses,  spoke  "from  a 
pinnacle  of  vision  to  which  others  had  not  been  able  hitherto 
to  climb." 

The  last  speaker  was  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  made  what 
some  historians  have  called  the  greatest  effort  of  his  life. 
Tradition  says  the  large  audience  arose  to  its  feet,  stood  upon 
chairs  and  benches  and  was  moved  at  will  by  this  new  prophet 
of  righteousness.  Lincoln  was  newly  baptised  with  the  spirit 
of  freedom,  and  he  spoke  with  a  Pentecostal  flame.  Mr. 
Herndon,  in  his  Life  of  Lincoln,  says  of  this  speech:  "He 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  35 

had  the  fervor  of  a  new  convert;  the  smothered  flame  broke 
out;  enthusiasm,  unusual  to  him,  blazed  up;  his  eyes  were 
aglow  with  an  inspiration ;  he  felt  justice ;  his  heart  was  alive 
to  the  right;  his  sympathies,  remarkably  deep  for  him,  burst 
forth  and  he  stood  before  the  throne  of  the  eternal  right,  in 
the  presence  of  his  God,  and  then  and  there  unburdened  his 
penitential  and  fired  soul." 

That  address  has  never  been  preserved  to  the  world,  and 
it  is  known  as  the  "lost  speech."  The  reporters  threw  down 
their  pens  and  lived  only  in  the  inspiration  of  the  hour. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  met  at  Springfield  May 
1.  William  A.  Richardson  was  nominated  for  governor  on 
the  third  ballot.  Richard  Jones  Hamilton,  of  Chicago,  was 
nominated  for  lieutenant-governor;  William  H.  Snyder,  of 
St.  Clair,  for  secretary  of  state ;  Samuel  K.  Casey,  of  Frank- 
lin, for  auditor;  John  Moore,  the  incumbent,  for  treasurer; 
and  J.  H.  St.  Matthew,  of  Tazewell,  for  state  superintend- 
ent of  public  instruction. 

The  first  national  convention  held  in  1856  was  that  of 
the  American  party,  which  assembled  at  Philadelphia  February 
19.  Millard  Fillmore  was  nominated  for  president,  and 
Andrew  J.  Donelson  for  vice-president. 

The  first  national  Republican  convention  opened  in  Phil- 
adelphia June  17.  John  C.  Fremont  was  nominated  for  pres- 
ident, and  William  L.  Dayton  for  vice-president.  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  the  closest  rival  to  Mr.  Dayton  for  the  vice- 
presidency.  The  platform  declared  it  to  be  "both  the  right 
and  the  imperative  duty  of  congress  to  prohibit  in  the  terri- 
tories those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and  slavery." 

The  national  Democratic  convention  was  held  at  Cincin- 
nati June  2.  Senator  Douglas  was  a  candidate,  but  James 


36  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Buchanan  was  nominated  for  president  on  the  sixteenth  ballot. 
John  C.  Breckenridge  was  nominated  for  vice-president.  The 
platform  flatly  opposed  the  doctrine  of  the  congressional  pro- 
hibition of  slavery. 

The  issue  was  squarely  joined.  Of  the  popular  vote, 
1,838,169  were  cast  for  Buchanan,  and  1,341,264  for  Fre- 
mont. The  Republican  party  had  suffered  nominal  defeat, 
but  had  gained  a  moral  victory. 

A  notable  event  of  these  formative  days  was  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  Whig  party.  With  the  exception  of  one 
senator  and  seven  members  of  the  house,  the  entire  Whig 
delegation  in  congress  from  the  south  had  sustained  that 
measure.  Thenceforward  the  northern  and  the  southern 
wings  must  part  company.  Like  Lucifer,  the  Whig  party 
had  fallen,  "never  to  rise  again." 

The  campaign  of  1856  in  Illinois  abounded  in  exciting 
incidents.  The  Democrats  sought  to  identify  the  Abolition- 
ists with  the  "Black  Republicans,"  and  the  cudgel  was  not 
without  its  effect.  The  result  at  the  polls  was  a  divided 
victory.  The  entire  Republican  state  ticket  was  elected  by 
a  plurality  of  4,732  votes.  The  party  also  elected  four 
congressmen  and  the  Democrats  five.  The  Democrats  secured 
both  branches  of  the  legislature.  The  senate  stood  thirteen 
Democrats  to  twelve  Republicans.  In  the  house  there  were 
thirty-eight  Democrats,  thirty-one  Republicans  and  six  Amer- 
icans. 

Millard  Fillmore  was  able  to  hold  a  sufficient  number  of 
Know-Nothing  votes  to  give  the  electoral  vote  of  the  state  to 
James  Buchanan  by  a  plurality  of  9,159. 

In  the  brief  space  of  two  years  a  revolution  had  been 
wrought  in  Illinois.  The  long  continued  ascendancy  of  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  37 

Democrat  party  had  been  arrested,  and  not  even  the  genius 
of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  could  stem  the  tide.  It  was  the  dawn- 
ing of  a  new  day. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION — THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  KANSAS — 
SUMNER'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  CRIME  AGAINST  KANSAS — 
SUMNER  ..ASSAULTED  ..BY  ..BROOKS — DOUGLAS  ..BREAKS 
WITH  BUCHANAN — THE  ENGLISH  BILL — ILLINOIS  RE- 
PUBLICANS IN  DILEMMA — LINCOLN'S  "HOUSE  DIVIDED'' 

SPEECH. 

THERE  are  two  national  events  of  such  political  sig- 
nificance that  the  story  of  the  Republican  party  in 
Illinois  cannot  be  continued  without  some  reference 
to  them.  The  first  is  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  the  second 
is  the  sanguinary  struggle  over  the  slavery  question  in  Kansas. 
March  7,  1857,  three  days  after  the  inauguration  of  James 
Buchanan,  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  rendered 
the  famous  Dred  Scott  decision.  Dred  Scott,  a  negro  slave, 
was  taken  by  his  master,  Dr.  Emerson,  a  surgeon  in  the  regular 
army,  into  Illinois,  a  free  state,  and  later  into  Minnesota. 
This  territory  was  a  region  from  which  slavery  had  been 
excluded  by  the  Missouri  compromise.  While  in  Minnesota, 
Scott  was  married,  with  his  master's  consent.  He  was  brought 
back  to  Missouri  and  he  and  his  family  were  sold  to  another 
master,  John  F.  A.  Sanford,  of  New  York.  Scott  brought 
action  for  trespass  before  a  St.  Louis  court,  which  declared  he 
was  a  free  man.  The  supreme  court  of  Missouri  reversed 
this  decision,  and  the  case  was  appealed  in  1854  to  the  federal 
circuit  court,  which  decided  Scott  was  still  a  slave. 

The  case  came  before  the  supreme  court  of  the  United 
States  in   1855.     According  to  popular  belief  the  case  was 

38 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  39 

argued  in  ample  time  for  an  earlier  decision  and  was 
held  until  after  the  presidential  election  in  1856  for  a  political 
purpose.  The  decision  of  this  court  of  last  resort  was  radical 
and  far  reaching.  The  court  declared  the  Missouri  com- 
promise was  unconstitutional.  The  repeal  of  that  measure 
was  therefore  approved  and  its  re-enactment  forbidden.  Slav- 
ery was  held  to  be  as  much  entitled  to  protection  in  the  national 
domain  as  any  other  institution,  and  it  was  not  within  the 
power  of  congress  or  a  territorial  legislature  to  decree  freedom 
for  a  territory. 

Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  one  of  the  two  dissenting  justices, 
maintained  the  absolute  right  of  congress  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  the  territories.  It  was  generally  believed  the  court  had 
gone  beyond  the  question  at  issue.  This  decision  gave  the 
Slave-Power  a  new  weapon.  The  argument  for  slavery  was 
made  by  Chief  Justice  Taney,  but  it  was  received  with  indig- 
nation in  the  north.  The  people,  with  Charles  Sumner,  knew 
"the  fallibility  of  judicial  tribunals." 

The  somewhat  extended  reference  to  the  struggle  for  the 
possession  of  Kansas  is  not  made  in  its  strict  chronological 
order.  The  attitude  of  Senator  Douglas  in  this  crisis  had  such 
a  bearing  upon  his  immediate  political  fortunes  in  Illinois  that 
it  forms  an  almost  necessary  introduction  to  the  campaign  of 
1858  and  the  Lincoln  and  Douglas  debates. 

When  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  passed,  Charles  Sum- 
ner exultantly  exclaimed:  "It  sets  Freedom  and  Slavery  face 
to  face  and  bids  them  grapple."  The  struggle  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Kansas  is  a  dark  chapter  in  American  history.  As 
organized,  Kansas  included  a  large  part  of  what  is  now 
Colorado ;  New  Mexico  also  included  Arizona ;  Utah  included 
all  of  Nevada.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  had 
given  the  south  new  courage.  It  had  apparently  gained  a 


40  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

great  victory,  but  it  was  of  little  value  unless  it  could  regain 
the  equality  it  had  lost  in  the  senate  by  the  admission  of  Cal- 
ifornia. The  status  of  Nebraska  would  also  be  settled  as 
free  territory.  If  Kansas  could  be  made  a  slave  state  there 
was  a  chance  for  the  south  to  retrieve  its  waning  fortunes. 
If  it  failed,  all  was  lost.  The  dissolution  of  the  union  might 
be  the  only  alternative.  This  was  not  an  idle  threat.  Kansas 
occupied  the  precise  territorial  center  of  the  vast  North 
American  continent.  Situated  on  the  very  highway  between 
two  oceans,  it  became  the  scene  of  a  seven  years'  war,  from 
1854  to  1861.  It  was  a  veritable  reign  of  terror. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  slavery 
was  not  to  be  legislated  into  the  territories,  nor  excluded  there- 
from. The  struggle  at  once  began.  The  proximity  of  slave 
states  gave  the  south  an  obvious  advantage.  Emigrants  from 
Arkansas  and  Missouri  immediately  began  to  pour  into  Kansas 
to  hold  the  territory  in  the  interest  of  slavery.  Colonists  from 
New  England  sought  to  preserve  the  state  to  freedom. 
Andrew  H.  Reeder,  a  pro-slavery  Democrat  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, was  made  the  first  territorial  governor  and  began  his 
duties  in  October,  1854.  November  29,  armed  bodies  of 
Missourians  invaded  the  territory  and  openly  voted  in  such 
numbers  as  to  elect  one  of  their  own  confederates,  named 
Whitfield,  as  territorial  delegate  to  congress.  March  30  fol- 
lowing, a  territorial  legislature  was  elected  by  means  of  fraud- 
ulent votes.  This  legislature  met  in  July  and  promptly  voted 
Kansas  a  slave  territory  by  enacting  bodily  the  laws  of 
Missouri. 

The  free-state  settlers  organized  a  counter-movement.  A 
meeting  was  held  at  Lawrence,  which  issued  a  call  for  the 
election  of  delegates  to  a  convention  to  be  held  at  Topeka. 
This  convention  assembled  October  23,  and  framed  a  con- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  41 

stitution  forbidding  slavery,  which  was  ratified  by  popular 
vote  December  15.  A  petition  was  presented  to  congress  pray- 
ing for  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  state.  Thus,  when 
congress  convened  in  December,  1855,  it  was  confronted  with 
the  question  whether  it  would  recognize  the  fraudulent  legis- 
lature or  the  Topeka  convention  as  the  representatives  of  the 
people. 

A  popular  election  was  held  January  15,  1856.  The 
Free-Soilers  elected  a  legislature  and  Charles  Robinson  their 
first  governor.  The  constitution  under  which  this  election 
was  held  was  repudiated  by  President  Pierce,  who  had  recog- 
nized the  fraudulent  legislature.  The  Free-Soil  legislature 
ignored  the  action  of  the  president,  who  placed  the  military 
forces  of  the  government  at  the  disposal  of  Governor  Shannon, 
who  had  succeeded  Governor  Reeder.  This  legislature,  sitting 
at  Topeka,  was  subsequently  dispersed  by  federal  troops.  The 
strife  that  ensued  may  be  regarded  as  the  opening  battle  of  the 
civil  war,  and  the  distracted  country  was  given  the  name  of 
"bleeding  Kansas." 

In  March,  1856,  Senator  Douglas,  from  the  committee  on 
territories,  presented  a  report  on  all  that  had  occurred  in 
Kansas.  He  opposed  the  Topeka  constitution,  and  then  offered 
a  bill  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  soon  as  her  population 
should  reach  ninety-three  thousand,  with  such  constitution  as 
her  people  might  adopt.  It  was  during  the  debate  that  fol- 
lowed that  Charles  Sumner  delivered  his  famous  speech  in  the 
senate  on  "The  Crime  Against  Kansas."  Mr.  Sumner  had 
a  sublime  faith  in  the  all-conquering  power  of  a  principle.  In 
the  course  of  his  speech  he  referred  to  Senator  Douglas  in 
these  prophetic  words:  "The  senator  dreams  that  he  can 
subdue  the  north.  .  .  He  is  but  a  mortal  man;  against 
him  is  an  immortal  principle.  With  finite  power  he  wrestles 


42  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

with  the  infinite,  and  he  must  fail.  Against  him  are  stronger 
batallions  than  any  marshalled  by  mortal  arm — the  inborn, 
ineradicable,  invincible  sentiments  of  the  human  heart ;  against 
him  is  nature,  in  all  her  subtle  forces;  against  him  is  God. 
Let  him  try  to  subdue  these." 

This  speech,  in  the  words  of  the  poet  Whittier,  was  "a 
grand  and  terrible  philippic."  On  May  22,  following,  Mr. 
Sumner  was  brutally  assaulted  in  the  senate  chamber  by  Pres- 
ton S.  Brooks,  a  representative  from  South  Carolina.  These 
circumstances  combined  to  create  an  enormous  demand  for 
Mr.  Sumner's  speech.  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne,  in  a  letter  to 
a  constituent,  now  in  possession  of  the  writer,  made  this 
prophecy:  "If  we  make  no  mistake  and  act  earnestly  and 
discreetly,  the  rule  of  the  Slave-Power  now  ceases.  Mr. 
Sumner  is  getting  along.  He  was  terribly  beaten,  but  his 
blood  will  be  avenged." 

The  famous  "Lecompton  constitution"  was  adopted  by 
the  Pro-Slavery  party  of  Kansas  at  a  convention  held  Septem- 
ber 5,  1857.  It  sanctioned  slavery  and  prohibited  the  passage 
of  emancipation  laws.  The  constitution  was  submitted  to 
popular  vote,  with  or  without  slavery.  The  Anti-Slavery  men 
refused  to  vote  and  the  constitution  was  adopted. 

When  congress  met  in  December,  1857,  President 
Buchanan  urged  the  admission  of  Kansas  with  the  Lecompton 
constitution.  Two  days  later  Senator  Douglas  made  a  remark- 
able speech  in  which  he  repudiated  as  fraudulent  the  Lecomp- 
ton constitution,  and  thus  made  a  significant  break  with 
President  Buchanan.  This  speech  meant  freedom  for  Kansas. 
The  Lecompton  fraud  had  divided  the  Pro-Slavery  party. 
Senator  Douglas  had  come  to  the  parting  of  the  ways.  He 
had  precipitated  the  Kansas  conflict  and  he  now  retrieved 
himself  in  part  by  lending  his  powerful  influence  to  the  cause 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  43 

of  freedom.  His  later  course  may  have  been  prompted  by  the 
instinct  of  self-preservation,  or  high  moral  purpose.  In  either 
case  he  wrought  for  freedom,  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  with 
all  his  faults,  stands  out  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  char- 
acters who  have  appeared  in  American  political  history. 

The  Lecompton  bill,  however,  despite  Senator  Douglas, 
passed  the  senate.  The  house  was  unconquerable.  At  this 
point  Mr.  English,  of  Indiana,  introduced  a  bill  which  was 
practically  a  bribe.  If  Kansas  would  ratify  the  Lecompton 
fraud,  she  should  receive  a  generous  grant  of  land.  Her 
refusal  would  mean  an  indefinite  delay  of  the  question  of 
admission.  But  Kansas  would  not  sell  her  birthright  for  a 
mess  of  pottage.  She  spurned  the  bribe  and  in  1861  came  into 
the  union  as  a  free  state. 

The  Kansas  struggle  had  proved  one  of  the  critical  periods 
in  American  history.  The  state  of  Illinois  now  becomes  the 
great  theater  of  political  action,  with  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  as  the  principal  actors.  The  Republican 
party  in  the  state  was  confronted  with  a  peculiar  combination 
of  circumstances.  This  condition  had  been  precipitated  by 
the  break  of  Senator  Douglas  with  President  Buchanan.  If 
Douglas  were  successful  in  securing  a  re-election  it  would  be 
interpreted  as  a  defeat  for  the  administration.  Thus  the  new 
Republican  party  of  Illinois  had  an  opportunity  of  aiding  a 
Democratic  president  to  defeat  a  Democratic  senator  for  re- 
election. 

There  was  also  a  possibility  that  at  the  last  moment  it 
might  become  necessary  for  the  Republicans  to  nominate  a 
former  Democrat  for  senator,  as  they  had  done  in  1854. 
Horace  Greeley  in  the  New  York  Tribune  advised  that  the 
Illinois  senatorship  should  be  allowed  to  go  to  Douglas  by 
default.  By  thus  widening  the  breach  between  Douglas  and 


44  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Buchanan,  the  chance  for  Republican  victory  in  1860  would 
be  enhanced. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  on  the  alert  and  checkmated  the  move. 
He  addressed  letters  to  prominent  Republicans  throughout 
the  state,  advising  them  against  the  danger  of  endorsing 
Douglas  merely  because  he  had  quarreled  with  Buchanan. 

The  Republican  state  convention  of  Illinois  met  at  Spring- 
field, July  16,  1858.  James  Miller,  of  McLean  county,  was 
nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and  Newton  Bateman,  of  Mor- 
gan county,  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

After  these  nominations  had  been  made,  the  convention 
unanimously  adopted  the  following  resolution :  "That  Hon. 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  our  first  and  only  choice  to  fill  the  vacancy 
about  to  be  created  by  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Douglas'  term  of 
office." 

Mr.  Lincoln  expected  the  honor  and  had  prepared  a 
speech  with  great  care.  The  first  paragraph  contains  this 
famous  passage :  "A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. 
I  believe  this  government  cannot  permanently  endure  half 
slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  union  to  be  dissolved 
— I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do  expect  it  will 
cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the 
other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further 
spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in 
the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction ;  or  its 
advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful 
in  all  the  states,  old  as  well  as  new,  north  as  well  as  south." 

This  was  radical  doctrine  and  alarmed  Lincoln's  friends. 
It  is  not  known  whether  Mr.  Lincoln  foresaw  that  Senator 
Douglas  would  construe  his  statement  into  a  desire  to  dissolve 
the  union ;  or  whether  he  appreciated  the  danger  that  his 
criticism  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  would  be  twisted  by 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  45 

Douglas  into  a  revolutionary  attack  on  the  supreme  court. 
But  Abraham  Lincoln  believed  the  time  had  come  to  speak  the 
truth.  It  seemed  like  defying  the  prophets  of  Baal  on  Mt. 
Carmel ;  but  it  required  less  that  five  years  to  fulfill  his 
prophetic  warning.  Like  Isaiah  in  Israel  and  Mazzini  in  Italy, 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  willing  to  become  a  sacrifice,  if  need  be, 
on  the  altar  of  his  country,  that  he  might  be  wholly  consumed 
in  the  holy  flame.  Mr.  Lincoln  must  have  believed  in  the 
ultimate  extinction  of  slavery.  It  could  not  permanently 
endure  hemmed  in  and  restricted  by  free  territory.  Two 
civilizations,  one  founded  on  freedom  and  the  other  on  slavery, 
could  not  indefinitely  co-exist.  This  was  the  message  of  the 
"house  divided"  speech. 

Another  notable  feature  of  this  speech  was  the  veiled 
accusation  that  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Franklin  Pierce,  James 
Buchanan  and  Roger  B.  Taney  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy 
to  perpetuate  and  nationalize  slavery.  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech 
was  a  trumpet  call  to  the  conscience  of  the  nation  to  defeat, 
by  an  enlightened  public  sentiment,  this  unholy  alliance. 


CHAPTER  VI 

LINCOLN  CHALLENGES  DOUGLAS  TO  DISCUSS  THE  SLAVERY 
ISSUE — DISPUTANTS  COMPARED — FIRST  JOINT  DEBATE 
AT  OTTAWA. 

IN  1858  Illinois  was  the  battle  ground  of  giants.  The 
prize  was  a  seat  in  the  United  States  senate.  A  more 
tremendous  issue,  however,  was  involved.  It  was  a  con- 
flict between  two  civilizations.  The  question  of  the  hour  was 
whether  the  moral  conscience  of  the  nation  could  be  awakened 
and  energized  to  resist  the  threatened  nationalization  of  Amer- 
ican slavery.  From  the  view-point  of  far-reaching  results, 
only  the  debate  between  Webster  and  Hayne  in  the  senate 
of  the  United  States,  nearly  thirty  years  earlier,  can  be  com- 
pared with  the  contest  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen 
A.  Douglas.  The  disputants  were  adopted  sons  of  the  Prairie 
state.  Douglas  represented  an  established  order  that  had 
become  entrenched  in  law  and  enthroned  on  the  prejudice  of 
custom.  Lincoln  was  a  John  the  Baptist  of  a  new  dispensa- 
tion. He  had  come  to  preach  deliverance  to  the  captives,  and 
to  set  at  liberty  those  that  were  bruised.  The  history  of  these 
debates  is  an  old  story,  but  it  will  never  cease  to  fascinate  the 
student  of  history.  The  debates  were  confined  exclusively 
to  the  issue  of  slavery. 

The  three  great  political  rivalries  in  American  politics  are 
Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  Clay  and  Jackson,  and  Lincoln  and 
Douglas.  The  outcome  of  the  last  named  has  most  greatly 
affected  the  life  of  the  nation.  July  24,  1858,  Mr.  Lincoln, 
in  a  brief  letter,  invited  Senator  Douglas  to  participate  in  a 

46 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  47 

series  of  joint  debates.  The  invitation  was  accepted  and  it 
was  arranged  to  have  a  discussion  in  each  congressional  dis- 
trict in  the  state,  except  the  Second  and  Sixth,  where  they  had 
already  made  addresses.  The  cities  designated  were  Ottawa, 
Freeport,  Jonesboro,  Charleston,  Galesburg,  Quincy  and 
Alton. 

The  ambitions  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lin- 
coln ran  in  parallel  lines.  Each  was  the  incarnation  of  the 
principles  he  espoused.  They  were  the  two  poles  of  the  politi- 
cal thought  of  their  time,  as  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  had  been 
in  the  days  of  the  fathers.  Douglas,  as  an  audacious  and  ready 
debater,  has  never  been  surpassed  in  either  branch  of  congress. 
He  had  a  personal  magnetism  which  made  him  a  popular  idol 
and  a  born  leader  of  men.  He  was  self-confident  and  even 
arrogant,  and  was  withal  a  dangerous  antagonist.  "In  that 
peculiar  style  of  debate,"  says  Mr.  Blaine,  "which,  in  its 
intensity  resembles  a  physical  combat,  he  had  no  equal." 
Lincoln,  like  Jefferson,  trembled  for  his  country  when  he 
remembered  that  God  was  just.  Douglas  was  the  consum- 
mate master  of  the  commonplace.  Lincoln's  vision  laid  hold 
of  the  unseen  and  the  eternal.  Thus  equipped,  the  gladiators 
entered  the  arena. 

The  issue  was  the  restriction  of  slavery  to  the  states  in 
which  it  already  existed.  Lincoln  advocated  such  restriction. 
Douglas  would  allow  each  new  state  and  territory  to  settle 
the  question  for  itself.  The  issue  was  clearly  defined. 

The  first  joint  debate  was  held  at  Ottawa,  August  21. 
Mr.  Douglas,  in  opening  the  discussion,  alluded  to  the  fact 
that  while  Whigs  and  Democrats,  prior  to  1854,  had  differed 
on  other  issues,  they  had  accepted  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  slavery  question.  Webster 
and  Cass  had  supported  the  principle  laid  down  by  Henry 


48  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Clay,  that  it  was  the  right  of  the  people  of  each  state  and 
territory  to  decide  their  domestic  institutions  for  themselves. 
Mr.  Douglas  contended  that  his  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill 
was  based  on  these  compromise  measures,  which  had  been 
endorsed  by  the  two  parties  in  Illinois  and  in  their  national 
conventions  of  1852,  and  that  he  introduced  it  in  congress  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  out  those  principles. 

Mr.  Douglas  reviewed  the  story  of  the  alleged  agreement 
made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Lyman  Trumbull  to  "abolitionize" 
the  two  parties  in  Illinois,  send  Lincoln  to  the  United  States 
senate  to  succeed  Shields,  and  Trumbull  to  succeed  Douglas. 
He  charged  that  Trumbull  had  dealt  falsely  with  Lincoln  and 
captured  the  prize.  Mr.  Douglas  also  attempted  to  show  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  given  his  sanction  to  the  platform  alleged 
to  have  been  adopted  by  the  Springfield  convention  in  1854. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  following  was  somewhat  heterogeneous, 
and  Douglas  knew  it.  "Their  principles,"  he  said  on  one 
occasion,  "in  the  north  are  jet  black,  in  the  center  they  are  in 
color  a  decent  mulatto,  and  in  lower  Egypt  they  are  almost 
white." 

Reference  was  made  in  Chapter  III.  to  the  fact  that  the 
State  Register,  the  Democratic  organ  published  at  Spring- 
field, had  published  a  series  of  radical  resolutions,  which  were 
purported  to  have  been  adopted  at  the  Springfield  convention 
in  1854.  At  the  time  of  the  debate  in  Ottawa  neither  Lincoln 
nor  Douglas  knew  that  these  resolutions  were  really  adopted 
at  a  convention  of  the  Second  district  held  at  Aurora.  Thus 
in  this  first  encounter  Mr.  Douglas  sought  to  create  a  prejudice 
against  his  antagonist  by  attempting  to  identify  the  Abolition- 
ists with  the  "Black  Republicans."  Abolitionism  was  not 
popular  in  Illinois  at  this  time,  and  Mr.  Douglas  made  the 
most  of  this  fact.  He  therefore  propounded  seven  questions 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  49 

to  his  opponent,  predicated  on  the  platform  falsely  alleged 
to  have  been  adopted  at  Springfield.  His  motive  was  to 
entrap  Lincoln  into  a  compromising  answer  "when  I  trot  him 
down  to  Egypt."  These  questions  were  briefly  as  follows: 
Whether  Mr.  Lincoln  today  stands,  as  he  did  in  1854,  in 
favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law; 
whether  he  still  stands  pledged  against  the  admission  of  any 
more  slave  states,  even  if  the  people  want  them;  whether  he 
stands  against  the  admission  of  a  new  state,  with  such  a  con- 
stitution as  the  people  of  that  state  may  see  fit  to  make; 
whether  he  stands  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia;  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  trade  between  the  states;  whether  he 
stands  pledged  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  territories  of  the 
United  States,  north  as  well  as  south  of  the  Missouri  com- 
promise line ;  whether  he  is  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any 
new  territory  unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein. 

Mr.  Douglas  then  proceeded  to  assail  the  cardinal  prin- 
ciple of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Springfield  speech,  that  a  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand.  He  declared  the  doctrine  threat- 
ened the  existence  of  the  government;  that  the  fathers  had 
divided  the  republic  into  free  and  slave  states ;  that  it  had  so 
existed  for  seventy  years,  and  could  thus  indefinitely  endure. 
Mr.  Douglas  insisted  that  when  the  constitution  was  adopted 
the  doctrine  of  uniformity  preached  by  Mr.  Lincoln  would 
have  meant  the  uniformity  of  slavery,  as  the  slave  states  were 
then  in  a  majority,  and  would  have  made  no  concession. 

At  this  point  Mr.  Douglas  discussed  Mr.  Lincoln's  oppo- 
sition to  the  Dred  Scott  decision  on  the  ground  that  it  deprived 
the  negro  of  certain  natural  rights.  The  senator  denied  that 
the  declaration  of  independence  contemplated  negro  equality 

and  boldly  declared  his  belief  that  this  government  was  made 
5 


50  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

by  white  men  for  the  benefit  of  white  men  and  their  posterity 
forever;  and  that  if  the  Almighty  ever  intended  the  negro  to 
be  the  equal  of  the  white  man  "He  has  been  a  long  time  dem- 
onstrating the  fact."  He  recognized  the  obligation  of  giving 
the  negro  every  immunity  consistent  with  the  safety  of  society ; 
but  declared  it  was  the  right  of  each  state  to  determine  for 
itself  the  measure  of  that  immunity.  Mr.  Douglas  elaborated 
this  principle  during  the  remainder  of  this  speech. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  reply  was  a  straightforward  statement  of 
the  question  at  issue,  and  a  complete  answer  to  the  plausible 
but  fallacious  argument  of  his  adversary.  He  denied  the  charge 
that  he  and  Judge  Trumbull  had  conspired  to  "abolitionize" 
the  old  parties.  He  struck  from  the  shoulder  powerful 
blows  against  slavery.  He  quoted  from  his  speech  in  Peoria 
in  1854,  in  which  he  said  he  hated  slavery  because  of  the  mon- 
strous injustice  of  the  institution  itself ;  because  it  enabled 
the  enemies  of  free  institutions  to  "taunt  us  as  hypocrites"  and 
caused  the  "real  friends  of  freedom  to  doubt  our  sincerity." 

Even  in  those  days  Mr.  Lincoln's  great  heart  had  no 
room  for  malice.  He  threw  the  mantle  of  charity  over  the 
south,  and  said  it  was  no  more  responsible  than  the  north  for 
the  origin  of  slavery.  He  recognized  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  south,  disavowed  any  right  to  interfere  with  slavery 
where  it  already  existed,  and  would  even  give  it  a  humane 
fugitive  slave  law. 

The  natural  conservatism  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  shown  in  his 
denial  of  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  negro.  He  did 
believe,  however,  the  black  man  was  entitled  to  all  the  natural 
rights  included  in  the  declaration  of  independence,  the  right 
to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to  recognize  the  binding  moral  force 
of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  had  nationalized  slavery  so 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  51 

far  as  the  territories  were  concerned,  although  he  might  obey 
the  mandate  of  the  highest  tribunal,  in  so  far  as  it  affected  the 
case  at  bar.  He  did  not  believe  a  ruling  of  the  supreme  court 
could  withstand  the  omnipotence  of  public  opinion,  because 
the  voice  of  the  people  might  become  the  voice  of  God.  He 
makes  his  confession  of  faith  in  these  words  at  Ottawa:  "In 
this  and  like  communities  public  sentiment  is  everything.  With 
public  sentiment  nothing  can  fail;  without  it  nothing  can 
succeed."  Mr.  Lincoln  therefore  makes  his  appeal  to  the 
national  conscience. 

Mr.  Lincoln  reaffirmed  the  doctrine  enunciated  in  his 
speech  at  Springfield,  "that  a  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand."  The  great  variety  in  local  institutions,  arising 
from  differences  in  soil  and  climate,  do  not  make  a  "house 
divided."  They  are  rather  a  bond  of  union ;  they  make  a 
house  united.  Slavery,  on  the  other  hand,  has  always  been  an 
apple  of  discord,  an  element  of  division  in  the  house.  The 
union  had  existed  as  a  divided  house  to  this  day  because  the 
fathers  had  excluded  it  from  the  territories,  cut  off  its  source 
by  the  abrogation  of  the  slave  trade,  and  thus  put  the  seal  of 
legislation  against  its  extension.  The  fathers  placed  slavery 
where  the  public  rested  in  the  belief  it  was  in  the  course  of 
ultimate  extinction. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  charged  with  placing  slavery  on  the  new 
basis  of  perpetuity  and  nationalization.  This  new  basis  will 
never  bring  peace.  If  slavery  could  again  be  placed  on  the 
basis  of  Washington,  Jefferson  and  Madison,  it  would  be  in 
the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  and  the  crisis  would  be  past. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  analysis  of  his  opponent's  doctrine  of 
"squatter  sovereignty"  was  keen  and  convincing.  It  proposed 
to  give  each  prospective  state  the  right  to  settle  the  slavery 
question  for  itself,  but  under  the  Dred  Scott  decision  it  simply 


OF 


52  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

allowed  "the  people  to  have  slavery  if  they  want  to,  but  does 
not  allow  them  not  to  have  it  if  they  do  not  want  it." 

Mr.  Lincoln  reaffirmed  the  charge  made  in  his  Springfield 
speech,  that  there  was  a  tendency,  if  not  a  conspiracy,  to 
nationalize  slavery,  and  repeated  his  quaint  allusion  to 
"Stephen,  Franklin,  Roger  and  James"  as  the  parties  to  the 
conspiracy.  He  viewed  with  suspicion  the  words  of  the 
Nebraska  bill,  "It  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this 
bill  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  territory  or  state."  Mr. 
Lincoln  suspected  the  word  "state"  was  to  prepare  the  way 
for  another  Dred  Scott  decision,  whereby  the  supreme  court 
could  decide  that  no  "state"  under  the  constitution  can  exclude 
slavery,  just  as  it  had  already  declared  that  neither  congress 
nor  a  territorial  legislature  can  make  such  restriction.  Mr. 
Douglas  was  satisfied  with  this  situation,  not  because  it  was 
right  in  itself,  but  because  it  had  been  "decided  by  the  court," 
and  had  the  force  of  a  "thus  saith  the  Lord." 

Mr.  Douglas  devoted  a  considerable  portion  of  his  brief 
reply  to  a  second  attempt  to  prove  that  Lincoln  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  resolutions  alleged  to  have  been  adopted  by 
the  Springfield  convention  of  1854.  This  insistence  was  per- 
sonal and  political,  for  the  purpose  of  discrediting  his  opponent 
in  conservative  circles.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  definitely 
answered  the  questions  propounded  by  Mr.  Douglas,  and  the 
latter  repeated  them  in  substance.  Douglas  explained  the  use 
of  the  word  "state"  in  the  Nebraska  bill.  Missouri  had  asked 
to  come  into  the  union  as  a  slave  state,  but  was  kept  out  for 
a  time  by  anti-slavery  sentiments  in  the  north.  Hence  the  first 
slavery  question  arose  upon  a  state,  and  not  upon  a  territory ; 
and  for  this  reason  the  word  "state"  was  placed  in  the  Nebraska 
bill.  The  reason  was  clever,  and  may  have  been  true;  but  it 
never  convinced  Mr.  Lincoln. 


CHAPTER  VII 

SECOND  DEBATE  AT  FREEPORT — LINCOLN  SHOWS  CONSERV- 
ATISM, BURNS  HIS  BRIDGES  BEHIND  HIM,  AND  ASKS 
DOUGLAS  FOUR  QUESTIONS — "LITTLE  GIANT"  ANSWERS 
THEM  AND  IS  SWEPT  FROM  HIS  MOORING. 

THE  second  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas 
was  held  at  Freeport,  August  27.  It  has  become  the 
most  famous  and  historic  of  the  series  by  reason  of 
the  questions  propounded  by  Lincoln  to  Douglas,  and  the 
attempt  of  the  latter  to  answer  them.  These  debates  were 
not  strictly  a  continuous  discussion  of  the  question  at  issue. 
They  were  in  large  measure  repetitions  of  the  essential  argu- 
ments made  to  different  audiences.  There  were  digressions 
and  local  allusions,  but  each  debate  was  designed  to  be  a 
complete  statement  of  the  principles  advocated  by  their  respec- 
tive champions.  Thus  a  careful  study  of  the  discussions  at 
Ottawa,  Freeport  and  the  last  at  Alton  will  suffice  for  a 
general  understanding  of  the  subject.  On  that  bright  summer 
day  the  little  unpretentious  city  of  Freeport  was  the  Mecca 
toward  which  thousands  of  pilgrims,  Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats, went  to  hear  words  of  wisdom.  Their  greatest  oracles 
were  there. 

Mr.  Lincoln  first  proposed  to  answer  the  questions  pro- 
pounded to  him  at  Ottawa  by  Senator  Douglas,  if  the  latter 
would  agree  to  answer  an  equal  number  of  questions.  The 
senator  made  no  sign;  whereupon  Lincoln  said  he  would 
"answer  his  interrogatories  whether  he  answers  mine  or  not." 
These  were  the  questions  based  on  the  "Republican  platform" 

53 


54  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

alleged  to  have  been  adopted  at  Springfield  in  1854,  to  which 
references  were  made  in  Chapters  III.  and  VI.  It  was  at 
Freeport  that  Mr.  Lincoln  announced  the  discovery,  to  the 
great  embarrassment  of  Mr.  Douglas,  that  the  resolutions 
were  adopted  at  Aurora  instead  of  Springfield.  Mr.  Lincoln 
said,  however,  with  dry  humor,  that  the  discovery  did  not 
relieve  him  in  any  way,  because  he  was  as  much  responsible 
for  the  resolutions  adopted  in  Kane  county  as  for  those  which 
were  passed  at  Springfield,  "being  exactly  nothing  in  either 
case."  Mr.  Douglas  made  a  facetious  retort,  in  which  he 
referred  to  the  fact  of  the  adoption  of  certain  resolutions,  but 
which  "were  not  adopted  on  the  right  spot." 

By  way  of  further  introduction,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  that 
since  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party  at  Bloomington 
in  1856,  he  had  considered  himself  bound  as  a  party  man  by 
the  platform  of  the  party  then  and  since ;  and  if  in  the  questions 
he  might  answer,  he  went  beyond  the  scope  of  these  platforms, 
no  one  but  himself  could  be  held  responsible.  Mr.  Lincoln 
then  answered  the  seven  questions.  These  replies  constituted 
his  political  "confession  of  faith."  He  first  declared  that  he 
did  not  now  and  never  did  stand  in  favor  of  the  unconditional 
repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law.  He  was  not  now  and  never 
had  been  pledged  against  the  admission  of  any  more  slave  states 
into  the  union.  He  did  not  stand  pledged  against  the  admission 
of  a  new  state  into  the  union,  with  such  a  constitution  as  the 
people  of  that  state  may  see  fit  to  make.  He  was  not  pledged 
to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  He 
was  not  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  between 
the  states.  To  the  sixth  question  he  replied  that  he  was  im- 
plicitly, if  not  expressly,  pledged  to  a  belief  in  the  right  and 
duty  of  congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  United  States 
territories.  The  last  question  was  answered  in  these  words: 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  55 

"I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  the  honest  acquisition  of  terri- 
tory ;  and  in  any  given  case  I  would  or  would  not  oppose  such 
acquisition,  accordingly  as  I  might  think  such  acquisition 
would  or  would  not  aggravate  the  slavery  question  among 
ourselves." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  reply  to  these  vital  questions  revealed  a 
conservatism  that  completely  disproved  the  taunt  of  his  adver- 
sary that  in  the  north  his  "principles  were  jet  black."  Mr. 
Lincoln  despised  slavery;  yet  he  would  not  violate  its  sanct- 
uary, recognized,  as  it  was,  by  the  federal  constitution. 
Lincoln,  however,  had  thus  far  only  negatively  defined  his 
position.  He  had  confined  himself  to  the  strict  letter  of  the 
questions  propounded  by  Douglas  and  said  he  was  not 
"pledged"  on  any  of  the  points  he  had  answered.  But  he  is 
not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the  exact  form  of  the  questions,  and 
proceeds  to  answer  them  affirmatively  and  in  detail. 

On  the  first  question  Mr.  Lincoln  expressed  the  belief 
that  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  the  people  of 
the  south  were  entitled  to  a  congressional  fugitive  slave  law, 
and  said  the  law  then  existing  should  have  been  framed  so  as 
to  be  free  from  some  of  its  objections,  without  impairing  its 
efficiency. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  answer  to  the  second  question  was  framed 
with  consummate  skill.  He  confessed  that  he  would  be 
exceedingly  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  pass  upon  the  question  of 
admitting  more  slave  states  into  the  union.  He  would  be  glad 
to  know  there  would  never  be  another  slave  state;  but  if 
slavery  should  be  kept  out  of  the  territories  during  the 
territorial  existence  of  any  given  territory,  and  the  people 
should,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear  field,  do  such  an 
extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave  constitution,  uninflu- 
enced by  the  active  presence  of  the  institution  among  them, 


56  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

he  saw  no  alternative  but  to  admit  them  into  the  union.  The 
possibility  of  such  a  situation  was  so  remote  that  Mr. 
Lincoln's  answer,  when  properly  analyzed,  could  not  fail  to 
satisfy  the  most  ardent  Abolitionist.  There  was  refined  sar- 
casm in  the  suggestion  that  the  people  of  a  territory  should 
ever  adopt  a  slave  constitution,  uninfluenced  by  the  actual 
presence  of  the  institution  among  them.  It  punctured  Mr. 
Douglas'  pet  doctrine  of  "popular  sovereignty." 

The  third  question  Mr.  Lincoln  regarded  as  answered  in 
his  reply  to  the  second,  and  made  no  further  comment. 

In  discussing  the  fourth  question,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he 
would  rejoice  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  believed  that  congress  possessed  the  power  to 
abolish  it.  He  declared,  however,  that  such  abolition  should 
be  gradual ;  that  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  the 
qualified  electors  in  the  district ;  and  that  compensation  should 
be  made  to  unwilling  owners.  With  these  conditions  Mr. 
Lincoln  wanted,  in  the  words  of  Henry  Clay,  to  "sweep  from 
our  capital  the  foul  blot  on  our  nation." 

In  regard  to  the  fifth  proposition,  which  referred  to  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  trade  between  the  states,  Mr.  Lincoln 
said  he  had  not  given  it  the  mature  consideration  that  would 
justify  him  in  making  a  positive  statement.  If  he  could  be 
convinced,  however,  that  congress  had  the  power  to  abolish 
such  traffic,  he  would  not  favor  its  exercise  except  upon  some 
conservative  principle  similar  to  that  which  should  govern  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  attitude  on  the  sixth  question,  concerning 
the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  territories  had  been  clearly 
defined.  He  had  also  fully  committed  himself  against  the 
admission  of  any  more  slave  territory  unless  slavery  should  be 
first  prohibited  therein. 


STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  57 

Mr.  Lincoln,  in  these  answers,  had  burned  his  bridges 
behind  him.  He  repelled  the  insinuation  that  he  shaded  his 
opinions  to  meet  various  geographical  requirements.  These 
moderate  statements  had  been  made  to  a  vast  audience  as 
strongly  tending  to  abolitionism  as  any  that  could  be  assembled 
in  Illinois.  If  they  were  offensive  anywhere  in  the  state,  they 
would  be  repudiated  in  the  northern  counties,  which  consti- 
tuted the  stronghold  of  the  new  faith.  Lincoln  told  the  truth, 
as  he  saw  it,  regardless  of  consequences.  The  people  knew  it 
and  trusted  him. 

Despite  his  conservatism,  Mr.  Lincoln's  answers  were 
frank  and  adroit.  Douglas  had  gained  nothing  by  his  Socratic 
method  of  argument.  He  had  rather  given  his  opponent  an 
opportunity  to  show  his  own  consummate  skill  in  propounding 
questions.  After  the  first  debate  at  Ottawa,  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
not  only  carefully  prepared  his  own  replies,  but  he  had  elab- 
orated a  series  of  questions  designed  to  embarrass  Senator 
Douglas,  which  he  could  not  answer  without  sooner  or  later 
invoking  disaster  upon  his  political  fortunes. 

A  few  days  before  the  debate  at  Freeport,  Mr.  Lincoln 
went  to  Chicago  and  took  some  of  his  friends  into  his  confi- 
dence. He  outlined  the  questions  he  proposed  to  propound  to 
Douglas.  Lincoln's  friends  sought  to  dissuade  him.  They 
reasoned  that  if  Douglas  should  reply  that  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  might  be  evaded  by  the  people  of  a  territory,  and 
slavery  prohibited  in  the  face  of  it,  the  answer  would  draw  to 
him  the  sympathies  of  the  radical  anti-slavery  voters,  and 
defeat  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  on  the  contrary,  was  anticipating  the  greater 
campaign  two  years  later,  and  he  was  determined  the  south 
should  understand  the  antagonism  between  Douglas'  latest 
interpretation  of  popular  sovereignty  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 


58  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Dred  Scott  decision,  the  Nebraska  bill  and  previous  platforms 
of  the  Democratic  party  on  the  other. 

The  national  Democratic  convention  of  1856,  which  met 
in  Cincinnati,  had  adopted  a  very  elaborate  series  of  resolutions 
on  the  subject  of  slavery.  One  resolution  was  cunningly 
devised.  From  one  point  of  view  it  seemed  to  give  the  people 
of  the  territories  the  right  to  determine  the  question  for  them- 
selves and  upheld  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty.  A 
closer  analysis  of  this  declaration,  however,  disclosed  the  fact 
that  this  "popular  sovereignty"  could  not  be  exercised  until 
the  territory  was  sufficiently  populated  to  adopt  a  constitution 
and  apply  for  admission  into  the  union.  Meanwhile  the  slave- 
holders could  settle  in  the  territories,  and  be  protected  in  the 
ownership  of  their  slaves.  James  G.  Elaine  makes  this  com- 
ment on  the  territorial  status:  "The  Democrats  flatly  op- 
posed the  doctrine  of  congressional  prohibition,  but  left  a 
margin  for  doubt  as  to  the  true  construction  of  the  constitu- 
tion and  of  the  act  repealing  the  Missouri  compromise,  thus 
enabling  their  partisans  to  present  one  issue  in  the  north  and 
another  in  the  south." 

Douglas  has  been  accused  of  being  a  party  to  this  duplex 
construction  of  the  Cincinnati  platform.  The  people  of  the 
south  had  been  led  to  believe  that  slavery  would  be  protected 
by  the  constitution  in  the  territories  against  the  power  of  the 
citizens  thereof,  and  against  the  authority  of  congress.  This 
status  would  continue  until,  under  an  enabling  act  to  form 
a  constitution  for  a  state  government,  the  majority  should 
decide  the  question.  The  south  understood,  in  other  words, 
that  there  was  absolutely  no  power  to  keep  slavery  out  of  the 
territories  during  their  territorial  status.  The  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty,  as  defined  by  Douglas,  was  differently 
interpreted  in  the  north.  It  was  there  believed  the  people  of 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  59 

the  territories  had  the  absolute  right  to  settle  the  question  for 
themselves.  This  doctrine,  however,  had  been  totally  nulli- 
fied by  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  Mr.  Douglas  had 
approved  the  opinion  of  the  court. 

All  these  facts  were  taken  into  account  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Douglas  might  answer  the  crucial  question  and  be  elected 
senator.  But  Lincoln  was  a  prophet.  He  was  looking  into 
the  future.  His  friends  admonished  him  that  he  was  con- 
cerned only  about  the  senatorship.  "No,"  replied  Mr. 
Lincoln,  "not  alone  exactly.  I  am  killing  larger  game.  The 
great  battle  of  1860  is  worth  a  thousand  of  this  senatorial 
race."  Perhaps  he  had  some  foregleam  of  the  fact  that  he 
and  Douglas  would  be  rivals  in  the  greater  conflict. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  in  propounding  his  questions  to  Senator 
Douglas,  naively  remarked:  "I  will  bring  forward  a  new 
installment  when  I  get  them  ready."  His  questions  were  as 
follows : 

First:  If  the  people  of  Kansas  shall,  by  means  entirely 
unobjectionable  in  all  other  respects,  adopt  a  state  constitu- 
tion, and  ask  admission  into  the  union  under  it,  before  they 
have  the  requisite  number  of  inhabitants,  according  to  the 
English  bill — some  ninety-three  thousand — will  you  vote  to 
admit  them? 

Second:  Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  territory,  in 
any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to  the  formation 
of  a  state  constitution? 

Third:  If  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  shall 
decide  that  states  cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits, 
are  you  in  favor  of  acquiescing  in  adopting  and  following  such 
decision  as  a  rule  of  political  action  ? 

Fourth:     Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring  additional  ter- 


60  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

ritory  in  disregard  of  how  such  acquisition  may  affect  the 
nation  on  the  slavery  question? 

In  the  first  debate,  when  Douglas  had  the  opening  speech, 
it  was  the  popular  judgment  that  he  had  worsted  Lincoln. 
A  few  days  after  the  discussion  Theodore  Parker  wrote  to 
a  friend:  "In  the  Ottawa  meeting,  to  judge  from  the 
Tribune  report,  I  thought  Douglas  had  the  best  of  it.  He 
questioned  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  great  matters  of  slavery,  and 
put  the  most  radical  questions  .  .  before  the  people.  Mr. 
Lincoln  did  not  meet  the  issue.  He  made  a  technical  evasion. 
.  .  Daniel  Webster  stood  on  higher  anti-slavery  ground 
than  Abraham  Lincoln  does  now."  At  Freeport  the  tide 
changed.  Lincoln's  star  was  now  in  the  ascendant. 

Mr.  Douglas  replied  in  ad  captandum  fashion  to  three 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  questions.  The  first  and  fourth  he  answered 
substantially  in  the  affirmative.  He  displayed  a  good  deal  of 
temper  in  his  reply  to  the  third.  He  declared  that  Lincoln 
cast  an  imputation  upon  the  supreme  court  of  the  United 
States  by  supposing  it  would  violate  the  federal  constitution. 
"I  tell  him  that  such  a  thing  is  not  possible.  It  would  be  an 
act  of  moral  treason  that  no  man  on  the  bench  would  ever 
descend  to." 

The  second  question  was  the  crucial  test.  Douglas  recog- 
nized his  embarrassment.  In  the  face  of  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  by  the  supreme  court,  he  could  not  affirm  that  the 
people  of  a  territory  could  exclude  slavery  by  direct  enact- 
ment. If,  he  admitted,  on  the  other  hand,  that  slavery  was 
fastened  on  the  territories,  without  hope  of  resistance  or 
protest  on  the  part  of  a  majority  of  the  citizens,  he  would 
concede  the  very  point  for  which  Lincoln  had  contended. 
Douglas  sought  to  extricate  himself  from  this  dilemma  in  this 
wise:  "It  matters  not  what  way  the  supreme  court  may 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  61 

hereafter  decide  as  to  the  abstract  question  whether  slavery 
may  or  may  not  go  into  a  territory  under  the  constitution, 
the  people  have  the  lawful  means  to  introduce  it  or  exclude  it 
as  they  please,  for  the  reason  that  slavery  cannot  exist  for  a 
day  or  an  hour  anywhere  unless  it  is  supported  by  local  police 
regulations.  Those  police  regulations  can  only  be  established 
by  the  local  legislature,  and  if  the  people  are  opposed  to 
slavery  they  will  elect  representatives  to  that  body  who  will 
by  unfriendly  legislation  effectually  prevent  the  introduction 
of  it  into  their  midst.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  for  it, 
their  legislature  will  favor  its  extension.  Hence,  no  matter 
what  the  decision  of  the  supreme  court  may  be  on  that 
abstract  question,  still  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  a  slave 
territory  or  a  free  territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the 
Nebraska  bill.  I  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  deems  my  answer  satis- 
factory on  that  point." 

Mr.  Douglas  made  this  evasive  answer  with  apparent 
sincerity  and  defiant  confidence.  It  seemed  plausible,  but  was 
not  sound  reasoning.  Lincoln  keenly  analyzed  this  ingenious 
doctrine  for  destroying  a  constitutional  right  by  a  police 
regulation,  and  riddled  it  with  a  single  sentence  of  sarcasm: 
"Under  this  new  doctrine  slavery  may  be  driven  away  from  a 
place  where  it  has  a  lawful  right  to  go." 

Douglas,  in  this  reply,  signed  his  political  death  warrant. 
He  was  swept  from  his  mooring  without  anchor  or  rudder. 
He  was  to  win  a  temporary  triumph  in  his  return  to  the 
senate,  but  Time  vindicated  Lincoln's  prophecy  that  "Douglas 
could  not  answer  that  question  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  elected 
both  senator  and  president."  Douglas  could  not  break  with 
his  party  in  Illinois,  but  by  his  Freeport  doctrine  of  unfriendly 
legislation  he  had  broken  forever  with  the  men  who  were 
now  in  control  of  the  southern  Democracy.  His  new  doctrine 


62  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

was  really  in  conflict  with  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which 
Douglas  had  always  defended.  It  was  heralded  throughout 
the  southern  states  as  evidence  that  he  had  been  guilty  of 
duplicity  on  the  subject.  He  was  accused  of  contending  for 
the  extension  of  slavery  under  the  decision ;  and  for  its  exclu- 
sion under  his  later  doctrine. 

The  discussion  of  these  questions  occupied  only  a  portion 
of  the  time  at  Freeport,  but  these  overshadowed  all  other 
phases,  and  the  famous  "Freeport  debate"  lives  in  history  by 
reason  of  the  questions  asked  and  answered. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

LAST  DEBATE  AT  ALTON — DOUGLAS  ASSAILS  "HOUSE  DIVIDED" 
DOCTRINE  AND  DEFIES  BUCHANAN  —  LINCOLN  PUTS 
QUESTION  ON  MORAL  BASIS — THE  ELECTIONS — DOUGLAS 
WINS — A  FINAL  COMPARISON. 

THE  joint  debates  at  Jonesboro,  Charleston,  Galesburg 
and  Quincy  were  for  the  most  part  re-statements 
of  the  positions  enunciated  in  the  two  previous  dis- 
cussions ;  and  the  author's  purpose  will  be  subserved  by  briefly 
reviewing  the  seventh  and  last,  which  was  held  at  Alton, 
October  15. 

Mr.  Douglas  opened  the  discussion  with  a  speech  of  great 
force.  In  directness  of  statement,  in  precision  of  phrase,  in 
boldness  of  spirit  akin  to  audacity  it  was  one  of  his  most 
characteristic  addresses.  If  it  lacked  some  of  the  elements 
of  an  oratorical  masterpiece  it  was  the  best  possible  argument 
for  his  favorite  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty,  which  had 
been  emasculated  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision. 

During  the  seven  weeks  preceeding  the  debate  at  Ottawa 
Lincoln  and  Douglas  had  addressed  large  audiences  in  many 
of  the  central  counties  of  the  state.  In  his  speeches  at  Spring- 
field and  Chicago  Mr.  Lincoln  had  enunciated  three  general 
propositions.  These  were :  That  the  country  could  not  per- 
manently endure  half  slave  and  half  free ;  a  criticism  of  the 
Dred  Scott  decision ;  that  the  declaration  of  independence 
was  intended  by  the  fathers  to  include  the  negro. 

Mr.  Douglas  again  boldly  and  flatly  contradicted  the 
"house  divided"  doctrine  as  a  slander  upon  the  distinguished 

63 


64  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

framers  of  the  constitution.  He  believed  the  government 
could  endure  forever  divided  into  free  and  slave  states,  as 
the  fathers  had  made  it,  with  each  state  having  the  right  to 
prohibit,  abolish  or  sustain  slavery  as  it  pleases.  The  fathers 
knew  the  laws  and  institutions  which  were  well  adapted  to  the 
Green  mountains  of  Vermont  were  unsuitable  to  the  rice 
plantations  of  South  Carolina.  They  knew  that  in  a  republic 
of  such  gigantic  proportions,  with  its  variety  of  soil,  climate 
and  interests,  there  must  be  corresponding  differences  in  local 
laws.  Thus  the  union  was  established  on  the  right  of  each 
state  to  be  a  law  unto  itself  in  dealing  with  slavery. 

Mr.  Douglas  supposes  for  the  sake  of  argument  that  the 
doctrine  of  Lincoln  and  the  Abolutionists  had  prevailed  when 
the  constitution  was  framed.  He  imagines  the  situation  if 
his  opponent  had  been  a  member  of  the  constitutional  conven- 
tion and  that  when  its  members  were  about  to  sign  that 
immortal  document,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  said,  "A  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand."  The  union  was  then  composed 
of  thirteen  states,  twelve  of  which  were  slave  and  one  was 
free.  Douglas  argued  that  under  Lincoln's  doctrine,  the 
twelve  slave  states  would  have  outvoted  the  one  free  state, 
and  thus  fastened  slavery  by  constitutional  provision,  upon 
every  foot  of  the  American  republic  forever.  The  question 
now  before  the  voters  of  Illinois,  says  Douglas,  is,  whether 
they  are  willing,  having  become  the  majority  section,  to 
enforce  a  doctrine  on  the  minority  which  they  would  have 
resisted  with  their  heart's  blood,  had  it  been  attempted  when 
they  were  such  minority.  The  south  had  lost  her  power  as 
the  majority  section  in  the  union,  and  the  free  states  had 
gained  it  by  the  operation  of  that  principle  which  declares  the 
right  of  the  people  of  each  state  and  territory  to  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way.  It  was  under  that 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  65 

principle  that  slavery  was  abolished  in  New  Hampshire,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsyl- 
vania; it  was  under  that  principle  that  one-half  of  the  slave- 
holding  states  became  free ;  under  it  the  number  of  free  states 
had  increased  until  they  could  control  both  houses  of  congress 
and  elect  a  president  without  the  aid  of  a  southern  state. 

After  accusing  Mr.  Lincoln  of  crawfishing  in  regard  to 
the  questions  propounded  at  Ottawa,  Mr.  Douglas  made  an 
elaborate  defense  of  his  course  on  the  Lecompton  constitution 
and  his  consequent  break  with  President  Buchanan.  He 
asserted  that  the  president  had  sought  to  coerce  him,  and  he 
defied  the  executive  in  these  words:  "I  resisted  this  invasion 
of  the  constitutional  rights  of  a  senator,  and  I  intend  to  resist 
it  as  long  as  I  have  a  voice  to  speak  or  a  vote  to  give." 

Mr.  Douglas  urged  the  Democratic  party  to  stand  to- 
gether, as  the  Democrats  and  Whigs,  under  the  leadership 
of  Cass  and  Clay,  had  united  their  forces  in  1850  in  support 
of  the  compromise  measures.  He  affirmed  in  conclusion,  the 
signers  of  the  declaration  of  independence  when  they  declared 
all  men  created  equal,  "did  not  mean  the  negro,  nor  the 
savage  Indians,  nor  the  Fejee  Islanders.  They  were  speaking 
of  white  men,"  and  that  the  government  "should  be  admin- 
istered by  white  men  and  none  other." 

Mr.  Lincoln  began  his  reply  by  complimenting  Senator 
Douglas  on  the  fact  that  he  was  gradually  improving  in  his 
warfare  with  the  Buchanan  administration.  He  rather  de- 
lighted in  the  family  quarrel,  and  urged  the  combatants  to 
"go  it  husband,  go  it  bear !"  Douglas,  he  said,  had  undertaken 
to  involve  President  Buchanan  in  an  inconsistency.  He  re- 
minded Douglas  that  while  he  was  valiantly  fighting  for  the 
Nebraska  bill  and  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  it 

had  been  but  a  little  while  since  he  had  been  an  ardent 
9 


66  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

advocate  of  that  compromise.  "I  want  to  know,"  he  says, 
"if  Buchanan  has  not  as  much  right  to  be  inconsistent  as 
Douglas  has?  Has  Douglas  the  exclusive  right  in  this 
country  of  being  on  all  sides  of  all  questions?  Is  nobody 
allowed  that  high  privilege  but  himself?  Is  he  to  have  an 
entire  monopoly  on  that  subject  ?" 

In  this  last  speech  Mr.  Lincoln  arose  to  a  height  of  moral 
grandeur.  He  planted  himself  squarely  upon  the  solid  rock 
of  eternal  and  absolute  truth.  He  uttered  words  that  went 
to  the  very  heart  of  the  matter.  Slavery  was  an  economic, 
political  and  moral  wrong.  He  denied,  it  is  true,  he  had 
ever  complained  that  the  supreme  court,  in  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  had  declared  that  a  negro  could  never  become  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Lincoln,  however,  had 
never  taken  an  advanced  position  on  the  political  rights  of 
the  negro.  He  believed  the  authors  of  the  declaration  of 
independence  intended  to  include  all  men  in  their  declaration 
of  equality,  but  did  not  mean  to  declare  all  men  equal  in  all 
respects.  The  fathers  did  not  mean  to  say  men  were  equal  in 
intellect,  nor  in  moral  or  social  development.  They  defined 
with  reasonable  distinctness  their  belief  that  life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness  are  the  inalienable  rights  of  all  men. 
They  did  not  mean  to  assert  the  obvious  untruth  that  all  men 
were  actually  enjoying  that  equality,  nor  that  it  was  to  be 
immediately  conferred  upon  them.  The  makers  of  the  con- 
stitution had  no  power  to  confer  this  equality.  They  simply 
meant  to  declare  the  right,  so  that  its  enforcement  might 
come  as  soon  as  circumstances  would  permit. 

Mr.  Lincoln  challenged  Senator  Douglas  to  prove  that 
up  to  three  or  four  years  previous  to  these  joint  discussions, 
the  declaration  of  independence,  in  the  minds  of  the  fathers, 
did  not  include  the  negro  in  the  term  "all  men."  There  were 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  67 

men  who  found  this  assertion  in  the  way  of  their  schemes, 
and  they  denied  its  truth.  Senator  Petit,  of  Indiana,  had 
declared  that  the  declaration  of  independence  was  a  "self- 
evident  lie"  rather  than  a  self-evident  truth. 

The  principle  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  insisted  in  this 
canvass  related  to  the  founding  of  new  societies.  He  had 
never  sought  to  apply  it  to  the  old  states,  for  the  purpose  of 
abolishing  slavery  therein.  He  declared  it  a  miserable  per- 
version of  his  utterances  to  assume  that  Missouri  or  any  other 
slave  state  should  emancipate  her  slaves. 

Mr.  Douglas  maintained  throughout  these  debates  that 
the  fathers  "made"  the  republic  part  slave  and  part  free. 
Mr.  Lincoln  denied  this  statement,  and  clearly  had  the  facts 
of  history  to  sustain  him.  Lincoln  insisted  that  the  fathers 
"found"  the  institution  existing  among  them  and  left  it  as  they 
found  it.  They  recognized  the  absolute  impossibility  of  its 
immediate  removal,  but  they  did  place  distinctive  marks  of 
their  disapproval  upon  it.  Lincoln  developed  this  thought 
with  great  clearness  and  force  in  his  speech  at  Quincy,  when 
he  said :  "In  the  first  place,  I  insist  that  our  fathers  did  not 
make  this  nation  half  slave  and  half  free,  or  part  slave  and 
part  free.  I  insist  that  they  found  the  institution  of  slavery 
existing  here.  They  did  not  make  it  so,  but  they  left  it  so 
because  they  knew  no  way  to  get  rid  of  it  at  that  time.  When 
Judge  Douglas  undertakes  to  say  that,  as  a  matter  of  choice, 
the  fathers  of  the  government  made  this  nation  part  slave  and 
part  free,  he  assumes  what  is  historically  a  falsehood.  More 
than  that:  When  the  fathers  of  the  government  cut  off  the 
source  of  slavery  by  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  and 
adopted  a  system  of  restricting  it  from  the  new  territories 
where  it  had  not  existed,  I  maintain  that  they  placed  it 
where  they  understood,  and  all  sensible  men  understood,  it 


68  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

was  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction;  and  even  Judge 
Douglas  asks  me  why  it  cannot  continue  as  our  fathers  made 
it.  I  ask  him  why  he  and  his  friends  could  not  let  it  remain 
as  our  fathers  made  it?" 

Mr.  Douglas  in  upholding  the  right  of  the  states  to  regu- 
late their  own  domestic  affairs,  vehemently  defended  a  prin- 
ciple that  Mr.  Lincoln  never  denied.  The  latter  would  have 
no  controversy  with  his  opponent  on  that  score,  although 
Douglas  always  sought  to  befog  the  popular  mind  on  the 
subject.  But  Mr.  Lincoln  denied  that  there  was  any  parallel 
between  the  institution  of  slavery  and  other  varied  pursuits 
of  the  states  arising  from  differences  in  soil  and  climate. 
There  had  never  been  any  trouble  over  the  cranberry  laws 
of  Indiana,  or  the  oyster  laws  of  Virginia  or  the  pine  lumber 
laws  of  Maine,  or  the  fact  that  Louisiana  produces  sugar  and 
Illinois  flour.  Slavery,  on  the  other  hand,  had  always  been 
an  element  of  discord.  The  country  had  been  at  peace  when 
there  was  no  discussion  of  the  question;  but  there  has  been 
turmoil  whenever  the  Slave-Power  has  made  an  effort  to 
extend  its  dominion.  History  speaks  in  thunder  tones,  affirm- 
ing that  the  policy  which  has  given  peace  to  the  country 
heretofore  gives  the  greatest  assurance  of  peace  for  the  future. 
The  struggles  over  the  Missouri  compromise,  the  annexation 
of  Texas  and  the  compromises  of  1850  sprang  from  attempts 
to  enlarge  the  borders  of  slave  territory.  No  party  can  ever 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  country;  but  slavery  has  divided  the 
church  itself.  It  has  rent  in  twain  the  Methodists  and  Pres- 
byterians, and  brought  discord  into  other  religious  bodies. 
"What  has  jarred  and  shaken  the  great  American  Tract 
society  recently,  not  yet  splitting  it,  but  sure  to  divide  it  in 
the  end?  Is  it  not  this  same  mighty,  deep-seated  power  that 
somehow  operates  on  the  minds  of  men,  exciting  and  stirring 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  69 

them  in  every  avenue  of  society — in  politics,  in  religion,  in 
literature,  in  morals,  in  all  the  manifold  relations  of  life  ?" 

Douglas  was  fighting  a  man  of  straw  when  he  assumed 
that  Lincoln  was  contending  against  the  right  of  the  states  to 
do  as  they  pleased  in  the  matter.  His  controversy  with 
Douglas  concerned  the  new  territories.  Lincoln  disclaimed 
any  power  as  citizens  of  the  free  states,  or  as  members  of  the 
federal  union,  through  the  general  government,  to  disturb 
slavery  in  the  states  where  it  already  existed.  Lincoln  was 
not  making  war  upon  the  rights  of  "states."  He  would  keep 
the  territories  free  from  the  blight  of  slavery  while  in  a  ter- 
ritorial condition.  He  compressed  the  philosophy  of  the  situ- 
ation into  these  words:  "If  you  go  to  the  territory  opposed 
to  slavery,  and  another  man  comes  upon  the  same  ground  with 
his  slave,  upon  the  assumption  that  the  things  are  equal,  it 
turns  out  that  he  has  the  equal  right  all  his  way,  and  you  have 
no  part  of  it  your  way.  If  he  goes  in  and  makes  it  a  slave 
territory  and  by  consequence  a  slave  state,  is  it  not  time  that 
those  who  would  have  it  a  free  state  were  on  equal  ground?" 

Mr.  Douglas  raised  a  false  issue  when  he  assumed  that 
Lincoln  was  in  favor  of  introducing  social  and  political 
equality  between  the  races;  but  Lincoln  always  repudiated 
that  doctrine.  His  oft-repeated  assertion  that  the  country 
could  not  permanently  endure  half  slave  and  half  free,  was 
made  purely  as  an  economic  proposition.  But  Lincoln  believed 
that  an  economic  wrong  is  a  moral  wrong.  Henceforth  he 
appeals  to  the  conscience  as  well  as  to  the  judgment  of  his 
hearers.  The  real  issue  in  the  country,  he  says,  is  between 
those  who  believe  the  institution  of  slavery  is  wrong,  and  those 
who  do  not  so  believe.  The  Republican  party  regards  slavery 
as  an  evil.  "It  is  the  sentiment  around  which  all  their  actions 
— all  their  arguments  circle — from  which  all  their  proposi- 


70  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

tions  radiate."  The  party,  nevertheless,  has  a  due  regard  for 
its  actual  existence  in  the  country,  the  constitutional  obliga- 
tions thrown  around  it,  and  the  difficulty  of  its  removal.  The 
party  desires  a  policy  that  will  not  allow  the  danger  to  spread ; 
it  insists  that  as  far  as  possible  it  shall  be  treated  as  a  wrong. 
One  way  of  thus  regarding  it  is  to  prohibit  its  extension. 
The  interrogatory  form  of  argument  was  often  used  by 
Lincoln  with  great  effectiveness.  He  had  a  genius  and  a 
passion  for  asking  hard  questions.  Much  of  the  philosophy 
of  Americaan  history  is  compressed  into  these  two:  "Has 
anything  ever  threatened  the  existence  of  this  union  save  and 
except  this  very  institution  of  slavery?  What  has  ever 
threatened  our  liberty  and  prosperity  save  and  except  this 
institution  of  slavery?" 

Mr.  Lincoln  rises  to  the  "height  of  this  great  argument" 
and  defines  the  issue  with  the  skill  of  a  master,  in  these 
impressive  words :  "That  is  the  real  issue.  That  is  the  issue 
that  will  continue  in  this  country  when  these  poor  tongues  of 
Judge  Douglas  and  myself  shall  be  silent.  It  is  the  eternal 
struggle  between  these  two  principles — right  and  wrong — 
throughout  the  world.  They  are  the  two  principles  that 
have  stood  face  to  face  from  the  beginning  of  time,  and  will 
ever  continue  to  struggle.  The  one  is  the  common  right  of 
humanity,  and  the  other  is  the  divine  right  of  kings.  It  is 
the  same  principle,  in  whatever  shape  it  develops  itself." 

The  election  occurred  on  the  second  day  of  November. 
James  Miller,  the  Republican  candidate  for  state  treasurer, 
received  125,430  votes;  William  B.  Fondy,  Democrat, 
received  12 1,609;  and  John  Dougherty,  Buchanan  Democrat, 
5,071.  Newton  Bateman  was  elected  superintendent  of  pub- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  71 

lie  instruction,  over  A.  C.  French  and  John  Reynolds,  both 
former  governors. 

Under  the  apportionment  of  February  27,  1854,  there 
were  twenty-five  senators  and  seventy-five  members  in  the 
house,  making  a  total  of  one  hundred  in  the  general  assembly. 
Mr.  Lincoln  received  of  the  popular  vote  a  majority  of  over 
four  thousand;  but  the  apportionment  was  such  that  the 
legislature  was  against  him.  There  were  eleven  Republicans 
and  fourteen  Democrats  in  the  senate  and  thirty-five  Repub- 
licans and  forty  Democrats  in  the  house.  On  the  joint  ballot 
Lincoln  received  forty-six  votes;  Douglas  received  fifty-four 
votes,  and  was  elected.  Mr  Lincoln  took  his  defeat  philoso- 
phically. In  a  letter  to  a  friend  he  said:  "The  cause  of 
civil  liberty  must  not  be  surrendered  at  the  end  of  one  or  even 
one  hundred  defeats."  He  had  suffered  a  political  defeat, 
but  had  won  a  glorious  moral  victory. 

The  November  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  four 
Republican  congressmen  and  five  Democrats,  as  follows: 
First  district,  E.  B.  Washburne ;  Second,  John  F.  Farnsworth ; 
Third,  Owen  Lovejoy;  Fourth,  William  Kellogg;  Fifth, 
Isaac  N.  Morris;  Sixth,  Thomas  L.  Harris;  Seventh,  Aaron 
Shaw;  Eighth,  Robert  Smith;  Ninth,  Samuel  S.  Marshall. 
The  first  four  were  Republicans  and  the  last  five  Democrats. 

A  feature  of  this  session  of  the  legislature  was  the  passage 
by  both  houses  of  a  legislative  apportionment  bill,  which 
gerrymandered  the  state  in  the  interest  of  the  Democrats. 
The  bill  was  vetoed  by  Governor  Bissell. 

Emerson  says  an  institution  is  the  lengthened  shadow  of 
a  man.  Great  moral  reforms  and  world-movements  become 
incarnated  in  men.  The  word  must  ever  become  flesh  and 
dwell  among  men.  There  are  born  leaders  who  seem  to 


72  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

belong  to  the  elemental  forces  and  men  feel  their  power  as 
they  feel  the  grandeur  of  the  mountain  and  the  sea. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lincoln  were  the  fore- 
most Americans  of  their  time.  The  eyes  of  the  nation  and  the 
world  were  upon  them.  From  the  death  of  Henry  Clay  to 
1 860,  Douglas  was  the  most  commanding  figure  in  a  senate  of 
great  men.  He  was  America's  nearest  approach  to  the  first 
Napoleon.  Douglas,  like  Napoleon,  was  Ambition's  child 
and  king.  Sumner,  Seward  and  Chase  were  with  him  in  the 
senate,  but  in  marvelous  readiness  and  headlong  force  he  was 
master  of  them  all.  He  was  the  "Little  Giant."  But  the  "iron 
pen"  of  history  must  be  just.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  through- 
out his  distinguished  career,  never  said  that  slavery  was 
wrong.  He  expressed  his  indifference  as  to  whether  it  was 
"voted  up  or  down."  He  eliminated  the  moral  element  from 
the  supreme  issue  of  the  hour. 

Lincoln  was  the  antithesis  of  Douglas.  He  was  ready  to 
die  that  his  cause  might  triumph.  He  believed  in  the  moral 
order  of  the  world,  and  that  his  own  beloved  country  had 
grievously  transgressed  that  order.  Like  the  prophets  of  old, 
he  "cried  aloud  and  spared  not."  Lincoln  had  his  appointed 
task.  He  had  a  practical  method  of  solving  the  problem.  He 
would  arouse  the  conscience  of  the  nation  until  it  should 
compel  a  reversal  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  a  new 
judicial  rule  established  upon  the  subject.  He  would  place 
slavery  where  the  fathers  placed  it,  and  then  trust  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  moral  sense  of  his  countrymen  to  effect  its  ultimate 
extinction.  The  divided  house  was  to  be  united,  but  not  in 
the  way  that  Lincoln  had  hoped.  The  reunion  would  not 
come  until  colossal  forces  had  shaken  our  broad  territory  and 
made  its  -foundations  tremble  under  the  tread  of  uncounted 
legions. 


CHAPTER  IX 

ILLINOIS  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CONVENTION  OF  1860 — RICHARD 
YATES  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR NATIONAL  REPUB- 
LICAN CONVENTION LINCOLN  NOMINATED INCI- 
DENTS OF  THE  CAMPAIGN LINCOLN  ELECTED  AND  IN- 
AUGURATED  EARLY  EVENTS  OF  1861. 

IN  1860  Illinois  had  become  the  eleventh  state  in  the  union 
in  wealth  and  population.  With  her  commercial  metro- 
polis on  Lake  Michigan  she  was  to  be  henceforth  the  key- 
stone in  the  magnificent  arch  of  great  western  states.  Illinois 
occupied  a  corresponding  place  in  the  political  history  of  the 
nation.  Under  the  apportionment  of  1861  she  was  to  be  en- 
titled to  thirteen  congressmen,  besides  one  for  the  state  at 
large.  This  was  a  gain  of  six  since  1850.  The  national 
Republican  convention  of  1860  was  held  in  Chicago,  when 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  president  of  the 
United  States.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  the  nominee  of  one 
of  the  wings  of  the  disrupted  Democracy  for  the  same  office. 
These  nominations  were  the  outcome  of  the  joint  debates  two 
years  before. 

With  the  opening  of  this  eventful  year  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
frequently  mentioned  for  the  presidency.  Lincoln  at  first 
discouraged  the  efforts  of  his  friends.  In  the  preceding  March 
he  had  sent  this  message  to  Thomas  J.  Pickett:  "Seriously,  I 
do  not  think  I  am  fit  for  the  presidency." 

The  first  organized  effort  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
taken  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  state  house  early  in  1860,  in  the 
office  of  O.  M.  Hatch,  secretary  of  state.  Besides  Mr.  Hatch 

73 


74  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

there  were  present  Norman  B.  Judd,  chairman  of  the  Repub- 
lican state  committee;  Leonard  Swett,  Jesse  K.  Dubois, 
Lawrence  Weldon,  A.  C.  Babcock,  William  Butler,  John 
Bunn,  Ebenezer  Peck,  Jackson  Grimshaw,  Ward  H.  Lamon 
and  other  leaders.  Mr.  Lamon  afterward  wrote  a  life  of 
Lincoln.  These  gentlemen  asked  Lincoln  if  they  could  use 
his  name  as  a  candidate  for  president.  Mr.  Lincoln  wanted 
to  defer  his  answer  until  the  next  day.  Late  in  the  afternoon 
he  authorized  his  friends,  if  they  thought  proper,  to  place  him 
in  the  field. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  already  received  recognition  from  an 
unexpected  source.  In  the  preceding  October  a  committee  in 
New  York  City  extended  him  an  invitation  to  visit  the  metro- 
polis and  deliver  an  address.  After  giving  the  subject  much 
thought  he  accepted  the  invitation  and  notified  the  committee 
that  he  would  visit  New  York  late  in  February,  and  discuss 
the  political  issues  of  the  day.  His  address  is  known  as  the 
famous  "Cooper  institute  speech."  Lincoln  evidently  realized 
the  significance  of  this  opportunity  and  spent  much  of  the  inter- 
vening time  in  the  preparation  of  his  speech.  It  was  a  master- 
ful effort,  characterized  by  precision  of  statement,  simplicity  of 
language,  unity  of  thought  and,  withal,  a  perfect  sincerity  that 
carried  conviction.  The  New  York  dailies  published  the  speech 
in  full  and  the  fact  that  he  had  captured  the  metropolis  was 
known  and  read  of  all  men.  From  New  York  Lincoln  went 
to  New  England,  and  made  speeches  in  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut,  where  he  made  a  profound  impression. 

Mr.  Lincoln  received  a  great  ovation  on  his  return  to 
Springfield.  From  that  time  he  began  to  consider  himself 
as  a  presidential  possibility.  His  ambition  was  aroused,  and  he 
wrote  to  party  leaders  throughout  the  state.  One  of  his 
biographers  says:  "I  believe  the  idea  prevails  that  Lincoln 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  75 

sat  still  in  his  chair  at  Springfield  and  that  one  of  those  un- 
looked-for tides  in  human  affairs  came  along  and  cast  the 
nomination  into  his  lap.  .  .  .  The  truth  is,  Lincoln  was 
as  vigilant  as  he  was  ambitious,  and  there  is  no  denying  the 
fact  that  he  perfectly  understood  the  situation  from  the  start." 

The  Illinois  state  Republican  convention  assembled  on  the 
9th  of  May.  The  sessions  were  held  in  a  wigwam  erected  for 
the  purpose.  Every  county  in  the  state  except  Pulaski  was 
represented  and  Judge  Joseph  Gillespie  was  chosen  to  preside. 
There  were  three  candidates  for  governor :  Richard  Yates,  of 
Morgan  county;  Norman  B.  Judd,  of  Cook,  and  Leonard 
Swett,  of  McLean.  Judd  led  on  the  informal  ballot,  with  245 
votes;  Swett  191  and  Yates  183.  Yates  gained  fourteen  over 
Swett  on  the  first  formal  ballot.  Judd  also  made  a  gain. 
Yates  and  Judd  made  gains  over  Swett  on  the  second  ballot. 
The  third  ballot  stood:  Judd,  252 ;  Yates,  238 ;  Swett,  246. 
On  the  fourth  ballot  Swett's  friends  went  to  Yates.  He 
received  363  votes  and  was  nominated. 

Francis  A.  Hoffman,  of  Cook,  was  nominated  for  lieuten- 
ant-governor;  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  auditor;  Ozias  M.  Hatch, 
secretary  of  state;  William  Butler,  treasurer;  and  Newton 
Bateman,  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

The  delegates  from  Illinois  to  the  national  Republican 
convention  at  Chicago,  chosen  at  Decatur,  were:  at  large, 
Norman  B.  Judd,  Gustavus  Koerner,  David  Davis  and  Orville 
H.  Browning;  First  district,  Jason  Marsh,  Solon  Cummings; 
Second,  George  Schneider,  George  T.  Smith ;  Third,  Burton 
C.  Cook,  Oliver  L.  Davis;  Fourth,  Henry  Grove,  E.  W. 
Hazard ;  Fifth,  William  Ross,  James  S.  Erwin ;  Sixth,  Stephen 
T.  Logan,  Nathan  M.  Knapp ;  Seventh  Thomas  A.  Marshall, 
William  P.  Dole ;  Eighth,  F.  S.  Rutherford,  David  K.  Green  ; 
Ninth,  James  C.  Sloo,  David  L.  Phelps. 


76  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  presidential  electors  for  Illinois  were:  John  M. 
Palmer,  Leonard  Swett,  Allen  C.  Fuller,  William  B.  Plato, 
Lawrence  Weldon,  William  Pitt  Kellogg,  James  Stark,  James 
C.  Conkling,  Henry  P.  H.  Bromwell,  Thomas  C.  Allen, 
John  Olney. 

The  result  of  the  Decatur  convention  was  "big  with  the 
fate  of  Cato  and  of  Rome."  Within  one  year,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  as  president  of  the  United  States,  would  need  a  tower 
of  strength  in  the  executive  chair  of  his  own  commonwealth. 
The  confidence  reposed  in  Richard  Yates  by  the  people  of 
Illinois  was  not  betrayed.  He  became  their  illustrious  war 
governor  and  his  fame  is  secure. 

Mr.  Yates  was  born  in  Warsaw,  Gallatin  county,  Ken- 
tucky, January  18,  1815.  His  father,  Henry  Yates,  impressed 
with  the  evil  of  slavery,  removed  in  1831  to  the  free  state  of 
Illinois  and  settled  in  Sangamon  county.  Richard  graduated 
in  1835  from  Illinois  college  at  Jacksonville  and  made  that 
city  his  permanent  home.  He  read  law  in  the  office  of  General 
John  J.  Hardin,  and  entered  upon  its  practice.  The  legal 
profession  is  often  an  "open  sesame"  to  the  arena  of  politics, 
and  so  it  proved  to  Richard  Yates.  He  entered  political  life 
as  an  ardent  Whig,  a  believer  in  the  principles  of  Webster  and 
Clay.  In  1842  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  general  assem- 
bly from  Morgan  county.  He  was  re-elected  in  1844  and 
again  in  1848.  In  1850  Mr.  Yates  was  elected  a  member  of 
congress  from  the  Seventh  district,  and  was  the  only  Whig 
who  was  thus  honored  in  Illinois  that  year.  His  Democratic 
opponent  was  Major  Thomas  L.  Harris.  The  state  was  re- 
apportioned  in  1852,  and  Morgan  county  was  placed  in  the 
Sixth  district.  Mr.  Yates  was  elected  over  John  Calhoun. 
He  was  renominated  in  1854,  but  was  defeated  by  his  old 
rival,  Major  Harris,  by  a  plurality  of  two  hundred. 


RICHARD  YATES 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  77 

Richard  Yates  brought  to  the  executive  chair  a  legislative 
experience  of  ten  years,  six  in  the  legislature  and  four  in  con- 
gress. His  address  was  courteous  and  there  was  a  rare  charm 
in  his  personality.  The  people  of  Illinois  loved  Richard  Yates 
better  than  he  loved  himself.  As  a  public  speaker,  says  his 
old  friend,  Dr.  William  Jayne,  "he  belongs  to  that  group  of 
orators  in  which  are  classed  Emery  Storrs,  Owen  Lovejoy  and 
Robert  Ingersoll." 

The  great  event  of  the  convention  was  the  endorsement  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  for  president.  This  was  the  first  public 
movement  in  Illinois  in  behalf  of  her  favorite  son.  It  came 
after  all  the  nominations  had  been  made,  and  was  so  sudden 
that  it  was  a  surprise  to  the  convention  itself.  It  is  the  function 
of  the  orator  to  interpret  the  deepest  feeling  of  a  people  to 
themselves.  This  was  the  rare  fortune  of  Richard  J.  Oglesby 
at  Decatur,  when,  as  "Uncle  Dick"  would  say,  he  "got  off  on 
the  right  foot  first,"  and  made  a  speech  that  was  like  touching 
a  torch  to  powder.  The  hour  and  the  man  had  met,  and 
Oglesby 's  impassioned  tribute  to  Abraham  Lincoln  electrified 
his  countrymen.  At  the  psychological  moment  "Old  John 
Hanks"  came  up  the  aisle  carrying  two  fence-rails  which  were 
made  by  himself  and  his  kinsman  Lincoln  on  the  Sangamon 
bottom  in  1830.  In  the  midst  of  this  unsuppressed  enthusiasm 
instructions  for  Lincoln  were  unanimously  adopted  and  the 
convention  adjourned. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield 
June  13.  Hon.  William  McMurty  presided.  Judge  James 
C.  Allen,  of  Crawford  county,  was  nominated  for  governor 
on  the  second  ballot.  He  had  served  one  term  in  the  legislature 
and  two  terms  in  congress.  L.  W.  Ross  was  nominated  for 
lieutenant-governor;  G.  H.  Campbell,  for  secretary  of  state; 


78  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Bernard  Arntzen,  auditor;  Hugh  Maher,  treasurer;  E.  R. 
Roe,  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

State  conventions  were  also  held  by  the  Buchanan  wing  of 
the  Democracy  and  by  the  followers  of  the  Bell- Everett  move- 
ment. The  former  convention  nominated  T.  M.  Hope  for 
governor,  and  Thomas  Snell  for  lieutenant-governor.  John 
T.  Stuart  headed  the  Bell-Everett  ticket  for  governor,  and 
Henry  S.  Blackburn  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  at  Chicago 
May  16.  For  a  year  preceding  the  convention  it  was  conceded 
that  William  H.  Seward  would  be  nominated.  He  seemed 
the  logical  candidate.  For  twelve  years  he  had  been  at  the 
front  of  the  battle  in  the  senate,  where  he  had  expounded  the 
doctrine  of  the  "irrepressible  conflict"  and  the  "higher  law." 
Moreover,  his  campaign  was  in  the  hands  of  Thurlow  Weed, 
the  most  sagacious  politician  of  his  time,  and  William  M. 
Evarts,  who  had  attained  great  eminence  as  an  orator  and 
lawyer.  Mr.  Seward's  availability,  however,  did  not  go  un- 
challenged. He  had  been  so  conspicuous  and  so  radical  that 
his  strength  was  discredited.  He  was  also  seriously  injured 
by  the  open  defection  of  Horace  Greeley. 

Meanwhile  there  were  other  candidates,  most  of  whom 
proved  to  have  only  the  strength  of  favorite  sons.  Ohio  pre- 
sented Salmon  P.  Chase;  Pennsylvania  named  Simon  Cam- 
eron; New  Jersey  wanted  William  L.  Dayton;  Missouri 
urged  the  claims  of  Edward  Bates;  while  Vermont  favored 
Jacob  Collamer.  Mr.  Lincoln's  campaign  was  managed 
with  consummate  skill.  Never  did  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency  have  more  sagacious  and  enthusiastic  supporters. 
Among  the  chief  in  counsel  were  Judge  David  Davis,  Leonard 
Swett,  Norman  B.  Judd  and  Orville  H.  Browning.  Lin- 
coln's friends  would  have  been  content  at  one  time  with  his 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  79 

nomination  for  vice-president;  but  as  the  convention  drew 
near,  opposition  to  Seward  became  more  threatening.  It  was 
at  this  opportune  time  that  the  state  convention  presented 
Lincoln's  name  with  an  eclat  that  could  not  fail  to  find  an 
echo  in  Chicago.  The  selection  of  Chicago  as  the  convention 
city  was  fortunate  for  Lincoln.  Mr.  Elaine,  in  recognizing 
the  power  of  the  mob,  that  has  dethroned  kings  and  dictated 
candidates,  says  it  is  doubtful  if  Lincoln  could  have  been 
nominated  in  any  city  outside  of  Illinois. 

The  convention  was  held  in  the  historic  "wigwam," 
erected  on  the  lake  front  for  this  purpose.  David  Wilmot 
was  chosen  temporary  chairman;  while  the  honor  of  perma- 
nent presiding  officer  was  accorded  George  Ashmum,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, an  old  Webster  Whig. 

The  result  can  be  briefly  told.  Three  ballots  were  taken. 
The  first  resulted  in  173^/2  votes  for  Seward  and  102  for 
Lincoln.  There  were  190  delegates  holding  the  balance  of 
power,  who  divided  their  support  between  Bates,  Cameron, 
Chase,  Collamer,  Dayton  and  McLean.  On  the  second 
ballot  Seward  received  184^,  and  Lincoln  181.  On  the 
third  ballot  Lincoln  received  2311^  votes,  only  one  and  a 
half  less  than  the  number  needed  to  nominate.  During  the 
progress  of  the  last  ballot  Mr.  Carter,  of  Ohio,  changed  four 
votes  of  that  state  from  Chase  to  Lincoln.  The  result  was 
quickly  followed  by  a  motion  to  make  Lincoln's  nomination 
unanimous.  The  happy  result  was  achieved  without  offense 
to  the  other  candidates,  and  was  in  itself  an  omen  of  victory. 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  for  vice-pres- 
ident. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  assembled  in 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  April  23  preceding.  The 
northern  Democracy  was  loyal  to  Douglas,  but  he  had  hope- 


80  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

lessly  fallen  from  grace  in  the  estimation  of  the  south,  for 
which  he  had  done  so  much.  No  nomination  was  possible, 
and  on  May  3  the  convention  adjourned  to  meet  in  Baltimore, 
June  18.  The  disrupted  Democracy  failed  to  reunite.  The 
northern  wing  nominated  Douglas  for  president  and  Herschel 
V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  for  vice-president.  The  southern 
delegates  nominated  John  C.  Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky,  for 
president,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon,  for  vice-president. 

The  Constitutional  Union  party,  representing  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  old  Whigs  and  Americans,  met  at  Baltimore 
and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  Edward  Everett, 
of  Massachusetts,  for  president  and  vice-president,  respec- 
tively. 

Every  shade  of  political  opinion  was  represented  in  the 
four  presidential  tickets.  Excitement  in  Illinois  throughout 
the  campaign  was  intense.  Both  of  the  leading  parties  had 
many  distinguished  speakers.  Among  the  Republicans  were 
Richard  Yates,  Lyman  Trumbull,  Owen  Lovejoy,  John 
Wentworth,  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  John  M.  Palmer,  Richard 
J.  Oglesby,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  Thomas  J.  Henderson, 
William  Pitt  Kellogg,  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  John  F.  Farnsworth, 
Joseph  G.  Cannon  and  Smith  D.  Atkins.  Among  those  on 
the  Democratic  side  were  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  John  A. 
Logan,  William  R.  Morrison,  John  A.  Rawlins,  William  A. 
Richardson,  John  A.  McClernand  and  Green  B.  Raum. 

For  the  first  time  in  twenty  years  the  voice  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  not  heard  in  a  political  campaign  in  Illinois. 
Douglas,  on  the  other  hand,  broke  all  precedents  for  a  presi- 
dential candidate,  and  went  directly  before  the  people. 

A  notable  incident  of  the  campaign  was  a  series  of  debates 
in  the  Fourth  congressional  district  between  Robert  G.  Inger- 
soll and  Judge  William  Kellogg.  Notwithstanding  Ingersoll 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  81 

was  an  ardent  Douglas  Democrat,  he  savagely  attacked  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  and  took  a  more  advanced  position  on 
the  great  moral  issue  than  his  Republican  opponent.  Clark 
E.  Carr,  who  heard  him  at  Galesburg,  says:  "I  have  always 
believed  that  Robert  G.  Ingersoll  was  the  greatest  orator 
who  ever  stood  before  a  public  audience."  Ingersoll  became 
a  Republican  the  day  Fort  Sumter  was  bombarded. 

During  September  and  October  joint  discussions  were 
held  by  Judge  Allen  C.  Fuller,  of  Belvidere,  and  John  A. 
Rawlins,  of  Galena.  One  debate  was  held  in  each  county 
in  the  First  congressional  district.  Judge  Fuller  was  the 
Republican  candidate  for  presidential  elector,  and  Mr. 
Rawlins  was  the  candidate  of  the  Douglas  Democracy. 
These  debates  have  a  historic  interest  by  reason  of  the  sub- 
sequent prominence  of  the  participants.  Judge  Fuller  became 
the  war  adjutant  of  the  state  and  in  this  capacity  he  displayed 
great  executive  ability,  and  was  the  able  supporter  of  Gov- 
ernor Yates  in  the  organization  of  the  military  forces  of  the 
state.  Mr.  Rawlins  was  the  confidential  friend  and  adviser 
of  General  Grant  during  his  campaigns,  and  in  1869  entered 
Grant's  cabinet  as  secretary  of  war. 

The  election  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the  Republican 
party  for  the  first  time  in  Illinois.  The  Lincoln  electors 
received  172,171  votes;  Douglas,  160,205;  Union  party, 
4,913  ;  Independent  Democrat,  2,332. 

For  members  of  congress  four  Republicans  were  elected, 
as  follows:  First  district,  E.  B.  Washburne;  Second,  Isaac 
N.  Arnold ;  Third,  Owen  Lovejoy ;  Fourth,  William  Kel- 
logg. The  five  Democratic  members  were:  Fifth  district, 
John  A.  McClernand;  Sixth,  William  A.  Richardson; 
Seventh,  James  C.  Robinson;  Eighth,  Philip  B.  Fouke; 
Ninth,  John  A.  Logan. 


82  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Republicans  carried  both  branches  of  the  legislature. 
Their  majority  was  one  in  the  senate  and  seven  in  the  house. 

Events  moved  rapidly  in  the  early  months  of  1861.  The 
general  assembly  convened  January  7.  Shelby  M.  Cullom 
was  elected  speaker  of  the  house.  Mr.  Cullom  was  urged  to 
become  a  candidate  by  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  of  Boone,  and 
Lawrence  S.  Church,  of  McHenry.  January  10  the  two 
houses  met  in  joint  session  for  the  election  of  a  United  States 
senator.  The  Republicans  favored  the  re-election  of  Lyman 
Trumbull,  and  the  Democrats  supported  Samuel  S.  Marshall. 
Trumbull  was  chosen  by  a  vote  of  fifty-four  to  forty-six.  "The 
Nemesis  of  Fate,"  says  John  Moses,  "with  exact  mathematical 
accuracy,  reversed  the  ballot  of  two  years  before,  which  had 
resulted  in  the  election  of  Douglas." 

Governor  Yates  was  inaugurated  January  14.  His  in- 
augural address,  which  discussed  the  impending  crisis,  was 
a  remarkable  state  paper,  which  brought  new  courage  to  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen. 

One  of  the  acts  of  the  assembly  was  the  new  legislative 
apportionment,  approved  January  31.  The  state  was  divided 
into  twenty-five  senatorial  districts,  with  an  equal  number 
of  senators.  There  were  sixty-five  representative  districts, 
from  which  eighty-five  members  were  to  be  elected.  Previous 
to  1870  senatorial  and  representative  districts  did  not  com- 
prise the  same  territory. 

February  2,  in  response  to  an  invitation  from  the  state 
of  Virginia,  Governor  Yates  appointed  commissioners  to  the 
peace  conference  at  Washington.  They  were  Stephen  T. 
Logan,  John  M.  Palmer,  John  Wood,  Burton  C.  Cook  and 
Thomas  J.  Turner.  Mr.  Wood  as  lieutenant-governor,  had 
filled  out  the  unexpired  term  of  Governor  Bissell,  who  died 
March  18,  1860. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  83 

In  March  it  became  necessary  for  Mr.  Lincoln  to  know 
whether  there  was  any  loyal  sentiment  in  South  Carolina. 
He  sent  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  of  Belvidere,  on  a  special 
mission  to  Charleston,  his  native  city.  Ward  H.  Lamon 
accompanied  him.  James  L.  Petigru,  with  whom  Hurlbut 
had  read  law  four  years,  was  the  only  union  man  of  promi- 
nence then  in  Charleston.  Mr.  Hurlbut  consulted  with  his 
former  law  instructor,  and  reported  to  Mr.  Lincoln  that 
there  was  no  attachment  to  the  union,  and  that  the  sentiment 
of  South  Carolina  was  unamimous  for  separation. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  president  of  the  United 
States  March  4,  1861.  Never  was  poetic  justice  more  strik- 
ingly illustrated.  Roger  B.  Taney,  chief  justice  of  the 
supreme  court,  whose  Dred  Scott  decision  had  precipitated 
the  political  revolution,  administered  the  oath  of  office. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  a  life-long  rival,  held  Lincoln's  hat 
when  he  subscribed  to  the  oath.  When,  three  months  later, 
the  curtain  fell  upon  the  brilliant  career  of  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  he  was  still,  at  only  forty-eight  years  of  age, 
"resolute,  vigorous,  commanding."  He  was  the  second  man 
in  the  nation.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  first. 

The  election  of  Lincoln  was  perhaps  the  most  notable 
event  in  the  history  of  the  nation.  He  was  the  divinely 
appointed  man  for  the  hour.  Such  men  are  instruments  in 
the  consummation  of  the  divine  purpose.  It  was  said  of 
Cyrus  in  the  olden  time,  "I  girded  thee  though  thou  hast  not 
known  me."  There  seem  to  be  certain  superhuman  adjust- 
ments that  philosophy  does  not  explain,  that  work  out 
righteous  results.  Human  wisdom  does  not  foresee  them; 
they  do  not  destroy  human  freedom,  but  they  do  achieve  their 
results  with  infallible  certainty.  The  leaders  in  such  events 
are  like  Aeneas  in  the  fable:  they  are  often  covered  with  a 


84  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

cloud  woven  by  divine  fingers,  and  men  do  not  see  them. 
But  when  they  are  needed  the  cloud  breaks  away  and  they 
stand  before  the  world  prepared  to  do  their  work.  Such  a 
man  was  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was  called  to  lead  in  a  war 
made  holy  by  the  quickened  moral  conscience  of  the  nation. 
Poets  and  reformers  and  statesmen  had  cast  up  the  highway 
for  the  King,  who  should  visit  the  nation  with  chastening. 
This  judgment  day  was  at  hand  because  Phillips,  and  Gar- 
rison and  Sumner  had  come;  because  Whittier  and  Lowell 
and  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe  had  come;  because  Lincoln  and 
Seward  and  Chase  had  come;  because  Grant  and  Sherman 
and  Sheridan  had  come;  because  the  great  and  terrible  day 
of  the  Lord  had  come ! 


CHAPTER  X 

OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR — DOUGLAS'  SPEECH  AT  SPRINGFIELD 
— CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION CONSTITUTION  RE- 
PUDIATED  REVERSES  OF  1862  —  LEGISLATURE  PRO- 
ROGUED BY  GOVERNOR  YATES — OGLESBY  NOMINATED 
FOR  GOVERNOR  —  LINCOLN  RENOMINATED  —  COLONEL 
INGERSOLL'S  PRAYER — THE  ELECTIONS. 

APRIL  15,  1861,  the  day  following  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Sumter,  President  Lincoln  issued  a  call  for 
seventy-five  thousand  volunteers  to  subdue  "combina- 
tions too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceedings,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  exe- 
cuted." Governor  Yates  immediately  convened  the  legislature 
in  special  session.  The  regular  session  had  adjourned  February 
22,  after  a  service  of  forty-  seven  days. 

The  special  session  convened  April  23.  The  sentiment  of 
loyalty  to  the  union,  irrespective  of  party,  was  dominant  in 
both  houses.  The  secretary  of  war  notified  Governor  Yates 
that  the  quota  of  Illinois,  under  the  president's  call,  was  six 
regiments  of  militia ;  and  it  became  the  first  duty  of  the  general 
assembly  to  provide  for  the  organization  and  equipment  of 
these  regiments. 

While  the  legislature  was  in  session  Senator  Douglas 
arrived  in  Springfield  from  Washington.  He  had  been  asked 
by  President  Lincoln  to  visit  Illinois,  where  there  was  much 
disunion  sentiment.  Upon  invitation  he  addressed  the  two 
houses  in  joint  session  on  the  evening  of  April  25.  The  senator 
was  introduced  by  Mr.  Cullom,  speaker  of  the  house.  It  was 

85 


86  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

during  this  speech  that  Senator  Douglas  uttered  his  celebrated 
dictum  that  in  the  present  crisis  there  are  only  two  parties, 
"patriots  and  traitors."  "It  is  a  duty  we  owe  to  ourselves, 
and  our  children,  and  our  God,  to  protect  this  government, 
and  that  flag,  from  every  assailant,  be  he  who  he  may."  These 
words  meant  more  to  the  union,  coming  from  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  at  this  time,  than  they  would  from  any  other  living 
American.  The  "Little  Giant"  was  never  more  masterful. 
It  was  the  farewell  message  of  a  great  senator  in  the  capitol 
of  a  great  state  which  had  honored  him  to  idolatry.  His 
Springfield  speech  probably  saved  Illinois  to  the  union.  It 
was  the  turning  point  in  the  life  of  John  A.  Logan,  who  had 
a  great  personal  following.  He  espoused  the  union  cause 
and  became  an  ardent  Republican. 

The  legislature  provided  for  the  creation  of  a  war  fund 
of  $2,000,000  and  enacted  other  needful  war  legislation.  The 
state  was  divided  into  thirteen  congressional  districts.  By  an 
error  in  the  apportionment  the  number  of  congressmen  was 
fixed  at  thirteen,  although  the  state  was  entitled  to  fourteen. 
The  error  was  corrected  by  electing  one  member  from  the 
state  at  large.  The  legislature  adjourned  May  3,  after  a  ses- 
sion of  eleven  days. 

Governor  Yates  appointed  O.  H.  Browning  to  succeed 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  the  United  States  senate  until  the 
vacancy  should  be  filled  by  a  regular  election. 

An  act  of  the  general  assembly  approved  January  31, 
1861,  provided  for  the  calling  of  a  constitutional  convention 
to  amend  the  state  constitution.  The  act  provided  for  the 
election  of  seventy-five  delegates  and  these  were  chosen  at  an 
election  held  in  November,  1861.  The  people  had  become  so 
absorbed  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  that  too  little  attention 
was  paid  to  the  selection  of  delegates.  The  Democrats,  whose 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  87 

leaders  were  watchful  of  their  advantage,  secured  forty-five 
delegates;  the  Republicans  elected  twenty-one;  seven  were 
classed  as  Fusionists,  and  two  as  doubtful.  Among  the  Demo- 
cratic members  was  Melville  W.  Fuller,  who  was  appointed 
chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  by 
President  Cleveland.  John  Wentworth,  of  Chicago,  and 
Luther  W.  Lawrence,  of  Boone  county,  were  leaders  on  the 
Republican  side.  The  delegate  from  Winnebago  county  was 
Porter  Sheldon. 

The  convention  assembled  at  Springfield  January  7,  1862. 
William  A.  Hacker  was  chosen  president,  and  William  M. 
Springer,  secretary.  The  history  of  Illinois  furnishes  no  par- 
allel to  the  impertinence  and  arrogance  displayed  by  the 
dominant  element  in  the  convention.  Some  of  the  members 
refused  to  take  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  statute  which  called 
them  together.  They  assumed  a  dictatorial  policy  toward  all 
departments  of  the  state  government.  They  demanded  reports 
from  officers  in  the  field.  Major  Quincy  McNeil,  of  the 
Second  Illinois  cavalry,  sent  a  stinging  retort  to  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  from  which  a  few  lines 
are  quoted :  "Should  I  give  you  the  information  the  resolution 
calls  for,  I  should  make  as  great  an  ass  of  myself  as  the  con- 
vention has  of  you,  by  asking  you  to  attend  to  that  which  is 
none  of  your  business.  .  .  If  I  am  rightly  informed,  you 
were  elected  to  make  a  convention  for  the  state  of  Illinois. 

Why  in  h don't  you  do  it?"    The  convention  seriously 

debated  whether  it  did  not  have  the  power  to  elect  a  United 
States  senator,  to  succeed  O.  H.  Browning.  Governor  Yates 
became  exasperated  to  the  limit  of  endurance  and  informed  the 
convention,  in  response  to  a  request  for  a  certain  report  that 
"he  did  not  acknowledge  the  right  of  the  convention  to  instruct 
him  in  the  performance  of  his  duty."  The  climax  was  reached 


88  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

when  the  convention,  which  was  simply  called  to  amend  the 
constitution,  submitted  an  entirely  new  constitution. 

The  convention  continued  in  session  until  March  24.  Only 
fifty-four  names  were  signed  to  the  instrument.  Messrs. 
Wentworth,  Sheldon  and  Anthony  were  the  only  Republicans 
who  affixed  their  names  and  the  latter  two  did  so  by  proxy. 

The  proposed  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people,  at 
a  special  election  June  17,  and  was  repudiated  by  a  majority 
of  over  sixteen  thousand  votes. 

In  the  summer  of  1862  popular  interest  was  divided  be- 
tween events  in  the  field  and  the  election  in  November.  A  year 
before  party  lines  had  been  practically  obliterated  in  Illinois, 
as  the  people  rallied  to  the  support  of  the  government  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  This  unanimity  had  been  changed  by 
the  progress  of  events.  The  reverses  sustained  during  the  first 
year  of  the  war  could  not  fail  to  have  a  political  significance. 

President  Lincoln's  early  conservatism  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion had  contributed  an  element  of  strength  to  his  war  policy. 
As  he  became  more  aggressive,  sharp  political  divisions  arose. 
The  slavery  question  was  still  the  dividing  issue,  "and  by  a 
common  instinct  throughout  the  free  states,"  says  Mr.  Blaine, 
"the  Democrats  joined  in  the  cry  against  an  abolition  war." 
The  vote  on  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, the  proposal  for  compensated  emancipation  in  the  border 
states,  and  the  act  confiscating  the  property  of  rebels  were  on 
strict  party  lines  in  congress. 

President  Lincoln  realized  the  danger,  but  his  wisdom 
was  sufficient  for  the  hour.  He  knew  slavery  was  the  cause 
of  the  revolt,  and  its  greatest  source  of  strength.  He  therefore 
determined  to  strike  the  fatal  blow.  His  monitory  proclama- 
tion of  emancipation,  September  22,  gave  notice  that  on  the 
first  day  of  January,  1863,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  in  states 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  89 

which  were  in  revolt  against  the  union,  should  be  forever  free. 

Under  these  conditions  the  Illinois  state  conventions  assem- 
bled. The  Republican  convention  was  held  September  24. 
Eben  C.  Ingersoll  was  nominated  for  member  of  congress  for 
the  state  at  large.  William  Butler  and  Newton  Bateman 
were  nominated  for  treasurer  and  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  respectively.  The  platform  endorsed  the  emanci- 
pation proclamation  "as  a  great  and  imperative  war  measure, 
essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  union." 

The  Democratic  convention  was  held  September  10. 
James  C.  Allen  was  nominated  for  congressman-at-large ; 
Alexander  Starne  for  treasurer,  and  John  P.  Brooks  for 
superintendent  of  public  instruction.  The  platform  put  the 
party  on  record  in  favor  of  the  war,  although  it  protested 
against  the  president's  anti-slavery  policy.  The  Democrats 
of  Illinois  were  still  frightened  by  the  bugbear  of  abolition. 

The  result  of  the  elections  in  November  was  a  defeat  for 
the  Republicans.  The  Democrats  elected  their  entire  ticket 
by  a  majority  of  seventeen  thousand,  and  seven  of  the  fourteen 
representatives  in  congress.  The  delegation  in  congress  was 
as  follows:  For  the  state  at  large,  James  C.  Allen;  First 
district,  Isaac  N.  Arnold;  Second  district,  John  F.  Farns- 
worth;. Third,  Elihu  B.  Washburne;  Fourth,  Charles  M. 
Harris;  Fifth,  Owen  Lovejoy;  Sixth,  Jesse  O.  Norton;  Sev- 
enth, John  R.  Eden;  Eighth,  John  T.  Stuart;  Ninth,  Lewis 
W.  Ross;  Tenth,  Anthony  L.  Knapp;  Eleventh,  James  C. 
Robinson ;  Twelfth,  William  R.  Morrison ;  Thirteenth,  Wil- 
liam J.  Allen.  Messrs.  Arnold,  Farnsworth,  Washburne, 
Lovejoy,  Norton  and  Stuart  were  Republicans.  James  C. 
Allen  died  at  Olney,  Illinois,  January  30,  1912,  the  day 
following  his  ninetieth  birthday. 


90  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Democrats  also  carried  both  houses  of  the  legislature. 
In  the  senate  there  were  twelve  Republicans  and  thirteen  Dem- 
ocrats; in  the  house  there  were  thirty  Republicans  and  fifty- 
eight  Democrats.  The  large  number  of  soldiers  in  the  field, 
who  were  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  voting  to  uphold  their 
president,  was  an  important  factor  in  this  unfortunate  result. 
Eleven  states  had  provided  for  taking  the  votes  of  the  soldiers 
in  the  field.  Illinois  did  not  make  this  provision. 

Although  Illinois  had  repudiated  the  anti-slavery  policy 
of  her  great  war  president,  the  result  throughout  the  country 
was  an  endorsement  of  the  administration,  which  obtained  a 
working  majority  in  the  lower  house  of  congress. 

The  twenty-third  general  assembly  has  been  justly  pilloried 
by  the  historians  of  Illinois.  It  was  dominated  throughout  by 
a  body  of  men  who  devoted  their  time  to  violent  attacks  upon 
the  war  policy  of  President  Lincoln.  The  assembly  convened 
January  5,  1863.  Samuel  A.  Buckmaster,  of  Madison  county, 
was  elected  speaker.  He  received  fifty-two  votes ;  Luther  W. 
Lawrence,  of  Boone,  twenty-five,  and  Selden  M.  Church,  of 
Winnebago,  one  vote. 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  the  legislature  assembled,  a 
meeting  of  those  opposed  to  the  administration  was  held  in 
the  house.  The  speakers  denounced  the  president  as  a  usurper 
and  the  war  as  barbarous. 

On  the  following  day  Governor  Yates  fearlessly  faced  the 
majority  against  him  in  both  houses,  and  delivered  an  address 
full  of  lofty  patriotism.  He  defended  the  emancipation  proc- 
lamation and  insisted  that  every  son  of  Illinois  be  loyal  to  the 
flag. 

January  12  the  legislature  met  in  joint  session  for  the 
election  of  a  United  States  senator,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term 
of  Judge  Douglas,  which  O.  H.  Browning  was  serving,  under 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  91 

appointment  of  Governor  Yates.  William  A.  Richardson 
received  sixty-five  votes  and  was  elected.  Richard  Yates 
received  thirty-eight  votes. 

Two  sets  of  resolutions  on  the  state  of  the  war  were  intro- 
duced in  the  house.  Those  opposed  to  the  administration  were 
drawn  by  a  committee  of  sixteen,  one  for  each  congressional 
district,  and  three  for  the  state  at  large.  The  several  resolu- 
tions were  referred  to  the  committee  on  federal  relations. 
Majority  and  minority  reports  were  presented  February  4 
and  5.  The  majority  report  embraced  eleven  resolutions, 
which  embodied  two  general  propositions:  opposition  to  the 
war  under  present  administrative  methods;  a  demand  for  an 
armistice,  the  calling  of  a  national  convention  to  conclude 
terms  of  peace,  and  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to 
secure  these  results. 

The  majority  report  was  adopted  in  the  house  February 
12  by  a  vote  of  fifty- two  to  twenty-eight.  The  report  was 
then  sent  to  the  senate.  The  death  of  J.  M.  Rogers,  a  Demo- 
cratic senator,  left  the  senate  a  tie,  with  a  Republican  presiding 
officer,  and  the  scheme  failed  in  the  upper  house.  February  14 
the  legislature  adjourned  to  June  2,  when  it  was  proposed  to 
receive  the  report  of  the  peace  commissioners  appointed  under 
the  resolutions. 

The  passage  of  the  peace  resolutions  by  the  house  was  a 
surprise  to  the  people  of  the  state.  Although  they  had  elected 
a  Democratic  legislature  there  was  a  violent  reaction  against 
their  representatives.  The  peace  movement  was  impracticable 
and  ignominously  failed. 

The  legislature  reconvened  June  2.  There  were  no  peace 
commissioners  to  hear  from  and  the  session  was  short-lived. 
It  had  proved  a  dismal  failure,  and  finally  the  two  houses 
could  not  agree  upon  a  time  for  adjournment.  At  this  juncture 


92  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Governor  Yates  availed  himself  of  his  constitutional  pregro- 
gative,  and  on  June  10  prorogued  the  legislature.  These 
representatives  of  the  people  had  attempted  to  array  the  pres- 
ident's own  state  against  his  war  policy.  They  were  outwitted 
by  a  patriotic  and  courageous  governor.  The  majority  in  the 
house  held  that  the  action  of  the  governor  was  illegal,  but  it 
was  sustained  by  the  supreme  court  of  the  state. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield 
May  25.  A.  J.  Kuykendall  presided.  The  candidates  for 
governor  were  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  Allen  C.  Fuller,  Jesse  K. 
Dubois  and  John  M.  Palmer.  The  real  contest  was  between 
Oglesby  and  Fuller.  The  latter  had  made  a  remarkable 
record  as  adjutant-general  of  the  state.  General  Fuller  was 
the  central  figure  of  the  war-power  of  Illinois,  the  forger  of 
her  thunderbolts,  the  splendid  defender  of  her  sons.  General 
John  C.  Black  once  told  the  writer  that  General  Fuller  was 
a  greater  executive  force  than  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  Moreover, 
he  received  the  unanimous  support  of  twenty-two  northern 
counties,  which  roll  up  the  Republican  majorities.  General 
Fuller,  however,  had  a  most  formidable  rival  in  Richard  J. 
Oglesby,  the  most  greatly  beloved  officer  in  the  western  army. 

On  the  informal  ballot  Oglesby  received  283  votes ;  Fuller, 
220;  Dubois,  103;  Palmer,  75.  On  the  next  ballot  Oglesby 
received  358  out  of  681  votes  and  was  declared  the  nominee. 
William  Bross  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor ;  Sharon 
Tyndale,  secretary  of  state ;  Orlin  H.  Miner,  auditor ;  James 
H.  Beveridge,  treasurer ;  Newton  Bateman,  superintendent  of 
public  instruction ;  Samuel  W.  Moulton,  congressman-at-large. 

The  platform  reported  by  the  committee  was  too  conser- 
vative and  it  was  referred  to  a  new  committee.  The  amended 
platform  was  an  enthusiastic  endorsement  of  the  administra- 
tions of  President  Lincoln  and  Governor  Yates.  The  presi- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  93 

dential  electors  were:  John  Dougherty,  Francis  A.  Hoffman, 
Benjamin  M.  Prentiss,  John  V.  Farwell,  Anson  S.  Miller, 
John  V.  Eustace,  James  S.  Poague,  John  I.  Bennett,  William 
T.  Hopkins,  Franklin  Blades,  James  C.  Conkling,  William 
Walker,  Thomas  W.  Harris,  N.  M.  McCurdy,  Henry  S. 
Baker,  Z.  S.  Clifford. 

The  Democratic  State  convention  was  held  at  Springfield, 
June  15.  William  A.  Hacker  presided.  Delegates  to  the 
national  convention  and  presidential  electors  were  appointed, 
but  no  ticket  was  nominated.  The  convention  for  nominating 
candidates  met  at  Springfield  September  6.  The  following 
ticket  was  named :  Governor,  James  C.  Robinson ;  lieutenant- 
governor,  S.  Corning  Judd ;  auditor,  John  Hise ;  treasurer, 
Alexander  Starne;  secretary  of  state,  William  A.  Turney; 
superintendent  of  public  instruction,  John  P.  Brooks;  con- 
gressman-at-large,  James  C.  Allen. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  at  Balti- 
more, June  7.  The  delegates  from  Illinois  were :  Burton  C. 
Cook,  Leonard  Swett,  J.  A.  Powell,  Augustus  H.  Burley, 
Henry  Dummer,  John  Huegly,  J.  Young  Scammon,  Lorenz 
Brentano,  George  Bangs,  E.  P.  Ferry,  J.  Wilson  Shaffer, 
James  McCoy,  Harrison  Dills,  Solon  Burroughs,  Henry  F. 
Royce,  Clark  E.  Carr,  Joseph  L.  Braden,  Washington  Bush- 
nell,  George  N.  Rives,  James  Cone,  R.  K.  Fell,  James  Brown, 
William  A.  Grimshaw,  W.  B.  Green,  Isaac  L.  Morrison, 
J.  T.  Alexander,  William  H.  Robinson,  T.  H.  Sams,  John 
Thomas,  William  Copp,  F.  S.  Rhodes,  Morris  P.  Brown. 

Early  in  the  campaign  the  opposition  to  President  Lincoln 
developed  formidable  proportions.  The  politicians  in  both 
houses  of  congress  were  against  him  and  there  were  intriguing 
malcontents  in  his  cabinet.  But  the  tide  suddenly  turned  as 
state  after  state  sent  delegates  instructed  for  his  renomination. 


94  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Lincoln  would  have  been  nominated  by  acclamation,  had 
it  not  been  for  a  master  stroke  of  politics  on  the  part  of  the 
president  himself.  Missouri  sent  rival  delegations.  The  con- 
servatives supported  Lincoln,  while  the  radicals  were  for 
General  Grant.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  a 
young  man  arose  and  urged  the  delegates  to  vote  for  the  admis- 
sion of  the  radical  delegation  from  Missouri,  and  the  delegates 
recognized  the  fact  at  once  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  speak- 
ing through  his  private  secretary,  John  G.  Nicolay. 

The  reason  was  obvious.  When  the  radical  delegation 
took  their  seats  in  the  convention  they  were  morally  bound  by 
its  action.  On  the  first  ballot  Lincoln  received  484  votes,  and 
Missouri  gave  her  twenty-two  votes  to  General  Grant.  Before 
the  result  was  announced,  however,  Missouri  changed  her  vote 
and  Lincoln  was  unanimously  renominated.  The  opposition 
could  not  say  it  was  a  Lincoln  party  instead  of  a  Republican 
party,  and  all  factions  were  united.  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Ten- 
nessee, was  nominated  for  vice-president.  Six  weeks  before 
the  election,  John  C.  Fremont  and  John  Cochrane,  who  had 
been  nominated  for  president  and  vice-president  by  the  Repub- 
lican malcontents,  withdrew  from  the  field. 

Colonel  Clark  E.  Carr,  in  his  "Day  and  Generation," 
tells  an  interesting  incident  of  a  Republican  mass  meeting  at 
Quincy  during  this  campaign.  Colonel  Robert  G.  Ingersoll 
was  one  of  the  speakers.  His  splendid  tribute  to  the  valor  of 
the  army  closed  with  the  following  peroration :  "God  bless 
the  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  wherever  they 
may  be — whether  they  be  fighting  on  the  hillside,  the  open 
plain  or  in  the  dark  valley ;  whether  weary  and  footsore  on 
the  long  march,  whether  parched  with  thirst  they  are  dying 
on  the  field,  or  are  ministered  to  by  loving  hands  in  the  hos- 
pitals, whether  they  be  tossed  upon  the  uncertain  waves  of  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  95 

great  deep,  whether  they  be  writing  letters  to  their  friends  by 
the  dim  light  of  the  camp  fire,  or  reading  letters  from  home, 
God  bless  the  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States.  God 
bless  their  friends  and  God  damn  their  enemies!" 

"Never  did  an  orator,"  says  Colonel  Carr,  "express  the 
intensity  of  feeling  of  a  great  audience  more  completely  than 
Robert  Ingersoll  in  that  prayer  and  philippic."  Rev.  Horatio 
Foote,  a  Congregational  clergyman,  and  a  brother  of  the  late 
Hiram  Foote,  of  Rockford,  was  seated  on  the  platform,  enthus- 
iastically pounding  his  cane.  Some  one  said  to  him:  "Doctor, 
is  not  that  blasphemous?"  "Inspiration,  gentlemen,  inspira- 
tion," was  Mr.  Foote's  reply  as  he  continued  to  applaud. 

At  the  election  in  November  Lincoln  received  every  elec- 
toral vote  over  McClellan,  except  those  of  New  Jersey,  Del- 
aware and  Kentucky.  His  majority  in  the  popular  vote  was 
nearly  half  a  million. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  vote  in  Illinois  was  189,496;  McClellan's 
158,730.  The  entire  Republican  state  ticket  was  elected  and 
both  branches  of  the  legislature  were  Republican.  In  the 
senate  there  were  fourteen  Republicans  and  eleven  Democrats ; 
in  the  house  fifty-one  Republicans  and  thirty-four  Democrats. 
Eleven  congressmen  were  elected  out  of  fourteen.  This  was  a 
gain  of  five.  The  delegation  in  congress  was  as  follows :  State 
at  large,  S.  W.  Moulton;  First  district,  John  Wentworth; 
Second,  John  F.  Farnsworth;  Third,  E.  B.  Washburne; 
Fourth,  Abner  C.  Harding ;  Fifth,  Eben  C.  Ingersoll ;  Sixth, 
Burton  C.  Cook ;  Seventh,  H.  P.  H.  Bromwell ;  Eighth,  Shelby 
M.  Cullom ;  Ninth,  Lewis  W.  Ross ;  Tenth,  Anthony  Thorn- 
ton; Eleventh,  Samuel  S.  Marshall;  Twelfth,  Jehu  Baker; 
Thirteenth,  A.  J.  Kuykendall.  Ross,  Thornton  and  Marshall 
were  Democrats.  Ingersoll  succeeded  Owen  Love  joy,  who 
died  in  March,  1864. 


CHAPTER  XI 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GOVERNOR  OGLESBY  —  THIRTEENTH 
AMENDMENT — REPEAL  OF  BLACK  LAWS — ELECTIONS  OF 
1866  —  TRUMBULL  RE-ELECTED  SENATOR  —  GENERAL 
GRANT  ELECTED  PRESIDENT — ADMINISTRATION  OF  GOV- 
ERNOR PALMER CONSTITUTION  OF  1870 — GENERAL 

LOGAN  ELECTED  UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 

RICHARD  J.  OGLESBY  was  inaugurated  January  17, 
1865,  as  the  third  Republican  governor  of  Illinois. 
A  more  interesting  personality,  with  the  possible  ex- 
ception of  his  immediate  predecessor,  Richard  Yates,  never 
graced  the  executive  chair  of  the  state.  Governor  Oglesby 
was  born  in  Oldham  county,  Kentucky,  July  25,  1824.  He 
came  to  Illinois  with  an  uncle  in  1836 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
and  began  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Sullivan,  in  Moul- 
trie  county.  He  began  his  political  career  in  1852  as  a  Whig 
elector,  and  in  1858  he  was  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  con- 
gress in  the  Decatur  district.  In  1860  Oglesby  was  elected 
to  the  state  senate.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war  he  re- 
signed his  seat  and  tendered  his  services  to  the  government  on 
the  day  President  Lincoln  issued  his  first  call  for  troops.  He 
had  been  lieutenant  of  an  Illinois  company  in  the  Mexican  war. 
With  this  prestige  he  quickly  arose  from  the  colonelcy  of  the 
Eighth  regiment  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  At  the  battle 
of  Corinth  he  was  shot  through  the  left  lung.  He  partially 
recovered,  but  resigned  from  the  service  in  May,  1864. 

Governor  Oglesby  was  highly  endowed  with  those  qualities 
which  made  him  a  leader  of  men.    He  had  a  sublime  faith  in 

96 


RICHARD  J.   OGLESBY 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  97 

the  ability  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves,  and  the  people, 
in  turn,  as  fully  believed  in  their  gallant  "Uncle  Dick."  Bluff, 
like  Ben  Wade,  he  was  a  vigorous  campaigner  and  knew  no 
fear.  He  was  a  great  commoner  of  the  old  school,  kindly,  but 
firm,  of  strict  integrity  and  lofty  patriotism.  Honor  was  in 
his  blood  and  bone.  His  faults  arose  from  his  generous  nature, 
but  they  weighed  little  in  the  balance  against  the  devotion  of 
his  life  to  the  highest  ideals  of  civic  duty.  With  a  physique  of 
large  proportions,  the  gifts  of  wit  and  humor,  intensity  of 
feeling,  and  the  true  oratorical  temperament,  Richard  J. 
Oglesby  was  one  of  the  most  commanding  figures  of  his  time. 

William  Bross,  the  lieutenant-governor,  had  won  distinc- 
tion as  a  journalist.  He  graduated  from  Williams  college  in 
1836,  and  became  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Democratic  Press 
in  Chicago,  now  the  Tribune.  After  his  retirement  from 
public  life  he  wrote  several  books.  Among  these  are  a  brief 
History  of  Chicago,  History  of  Camp  Douglas,  and  Tom 
Quick.  Mr.  Bross  died  in  Chicago,  January  27,  1890. 

The  administration  of  Governor  Oglesby  was  peaceful 
and  prosperous.  The  north  was  emerging  victoriously  from 
civil  war,  and  the  soldiers  were  about  to  return  to  the  avoca- 
tions of  peace.  The  notable  legislation  of  the  following  years 
is  an  inviting  field  for  the  historian ;  but  the  scope  of  these 
chapters  is  restricted  to  the  achievements  of  a  single  party. 
This  fact  also  forbids  detailed  reference  to  the  glorious  military 
record  of  Illinois,  which  sent  226,592  soldiers  to  the  front,  to 
fight  the  battles  of  the  union.  The  writer  can  deal  only  with 
facts  of  a  general  political  nature. 

The  legislature  convened  January  2.  General  Allen  C. 
Fuller  was  elected  speaker  of  the  house.  Three  days  later 
the  legislature  met  in  joint  session  for  the  election  of  a  United 
States  senator,  to  succeed  William  A.  Richardson.  Richard 

7 


98  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Yates,  the  caucus  nominee,  was  elected  on  the  first  ballot. 

On  the  first  day  of  February  the  thirteenth  amendment  to 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States  received  the  official 
sanction  of  President  Lincoln.  Senator  Trumbull,  chairman 
of  the  judiciary  committee,  immediately  notified  Governor 
Oglesby  by  telegraph.  The  executive  thereupon  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  the  general  assembly,  with  a  stirring  appeal  for  im- 
mediate action.  He  said :  "Let  Illinois  be  the  first  state  in  the 
union  to  ratify,  by  the  act  of  her  legislature  this  proposed 
amendment.  ...  So  far  as  we  can,  by  any  act  of  our 
state,  destroy  this  pestilent  cause  of  civil  discord,  disruption 
and  dissolution — the  source  of  so  much  unhappiness  and  misery 
to  the  people  of  the  whole  nation,  let  us  do  so,  and  do  it  now." 

The  senate  and  the  house  promptly  responded  and  ratified 
the  amendment  on  the  very  day  it  had  been  approved  by  the 
president.  Thus  Illinois,  the  home  of  the  great  emancipator, 
was  the  first  state  to  ratify  a  constitutional  provision  for  the 
freedom  of  the  slave.  Had  the  general  assembly  not  at  once 
responded  to  the  request  of  the  governor,  "to  do  so  and  do  it 
now,"  Illinois  would  not  have  won  this  distinction,  for  Rhode 
Island  and  Michigan  ratified  the  amendment  on  the  following 
day. 

This  session  of  the  general  assembly  was  signalized  by  the 
repeal  of  the  odious  "black  laws."  One  of  these  laws  had  been 
on  the  statute  books  since  1819.  Another,  approved  February 
12,  1853,  was  designed  "to  prevent  the  immigration  of  free 
negroes  into  the  state."  A  negro  who  entered  Illinois  was 
liable  to  conviction  for  misdemeanor,  with  a  fine  of  fifty  dol- 
lars. If  this  fine  was  not  paid,  he  was  advertised  to  be  sold 
to  the  bidder  who  would  pay  the  fine  and  costs,  and  the  negro 
was  held  in  servitude  until  he  had  earned  the  full  amount 
advanced.  Should  the  unfortunate  black  man  remain  in  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  99 

state  ten  days  after  his  release,  he  was  liable  to  second  prosecu- 
tion. 

April  9,  1865.  Robert  E.  Lee  surrendered  to  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  at  Appomattox.  In  scarcely  more  than  a  decade  the 
Republican  party,  aided  by  loyal  Democrats,  had  not  only 
prevented  the  extension  of  slavery,  but  had  purged  the  nation 
of  the  ancient  sin  and  restored  the  integrity  of  the  union.  A 
part  of  the  price  was  the  life  of  the  immortal  emancipator; 
but  ere  he  fell  by  the  assassin's  bullet,  he  had  seen  of  the  travail 
of  his  soul,  and  was  satisfied. 

The  Republican  state  convention  met  at  Springfield, 
August  8,  1866.  General  Green  B.  Raum  presided,  and 
James  P.  Root  was  chosen  secretary.  General  John  A.  Logan 
was  nominated  congressman-at-large ;  Newton  Bateman  was 
renominated  by  acclamation  for  superintendent  of  public  in- 
struction ;  General  George  W.  Smith,  of  Chicago,  was  nom- 
inated for  treasurer  on  the  second  ballot. 

The  platform  endorsed  the  congressional  policy  of  recon- 
struction as  opposed  to  President  Johnson,  and  denied  the 
right  of  the  executive  to  encroach  upon  the  constitutional 
power  of  the  co-ordinate  branch  of  the  government. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield 
August  29.  General  John  A.  McClernand  presided.  Colonel 
T.  Lyle  Dickey  was  nominated  for  congressman-at-large  on 
the  second  ballot;  General  Jesse  J.  Phillips  for  treasurer,  by 
acclamation,  and  Colonel  John  M.  Crebs  for  superintendent 
of  public  instruction.  Joint  discussions  were  held  by  candi- 
dates for  congress  in  nearly  all  the  districts.  Among  the 
debaters  were  General  Raum  and  W.  J.  Allen;  H.  P.  H. 
Bromwell  and  General  John  C.  Black;  Shelby  M.  Cullom 
and  Dr.  Edwin  Fowler ;  General  Logan  and  Colonel  Dickey. 


100  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  elections  resulted  in  decisive  victories  for  the  Repub- 
licans all  along  the  line.  They  elected  eleven  out  of  the  four- 
teen congressmen,  and  secured  both  branches  of  the  legislature. 
The  senate  had  sixteen  Republicans  and  nine  Democrats;  in 
the  house  there  were  sixty  Republicans  and  twenty-five 
Democrats.  General  Logan's  majority  for  congressman-at- 
large  was  55,987.  The  delegation  in  congress  from  1867  to 
]  869  was  as  follows :  Congressman-at-large,  John  A.  Logan ; 
First  district,  Norman  B.  Judd;  Second  district,  John  F. 
Farnsworth;  Third,  E.  B.  Washburne;  Fourth,  Abner  C. 
Harding;  Fifth,  Eben  C.  Ingersoll;  Sixth,  Burton  C.  Cook; 
Seventh,  H.  P.  H.  Bromwell;  Eighth,  Shelby  M.  Cullom; 
Ninth,  Lewis  W.  Ross;  Tenth,  Albert  G.  Burr;  Eleventh, 
Samuel  S.  Marshall;  Twelfth,  Jehu  Baker;  Thirteenth, 
Green  B.  Raum.  Messrs.  Ross,  Burr  and  Marshall  were 
Democrats. 

The  twenty-fifth  general  assembly  convened  January  7, 
1867.  Franklin  Corwin,  of  La  Salle,  was  elected  speaker  of 
the  house ;  Charles  E.  Lippencott  was  chosen  secretary  of  the 
senate. 

The  first  political  work  of  the  session  was  the  election  of 
a  United  States  senator  to  succeed  Lyman  Trumbull.  He 
had  already  served  two  terms  and  a  sentiment  had  developed 
that  the  honor  should  go  to  a  soldier.  The  opposition  was 
crystalized  on  John  M.  Palmer,  who  had  the  active  support 
of  Generals  Oglesby  and  Logan.  The  test  of  strength  came 
on  a  preliminary  ballot,  when  Trumbull  received  forty-eight 
votes  and  Palmer  twenty-eight.  Palmer's  name  was  with- 
drawn ;  Trumbull  was  renominated  by  acclamation  and 
elected  on  January  16. 

The  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  was  ratified  January  15  by  a  strict  party  vote 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  101 

in  both  houses.  The  amendment  conferred  citizenship  upon 
all  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States  without 
regard  to  color. 

This  session  re-created  the  office  of  attorney-general,  which 
had  not  existed  since  1846.  A  law,  approved  February  27, 
provided  that  an  attorney-general  should  be  chosen  at  each 
succeeding  gubernatorial  election,  and  that  the  governor  should 
appoint  the  first  incumbent,  who  should  serve  until  the  election 
of  his  successor.  February  28  Governor  Oglesby  appointed 
Colonel  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  who  served  two  years. 

The  campaign  of  1868  opened  early.  The  Democratic 
state  convention  met  in  Springfield,  April  15.  Anthony  L. 
Thornton  presided.  The  political  features  of  the  platform 
were  opposition  to  the  reconstruction  policy  of  congress;  that 
the  right  of  suffrage  should  be  limited  to  the  white  race,  al- 
though each  state  should  determine  the  question  for  itself, 
and  a  resolution  endorsing  George  H.  Pendleton  for  president. 
John  R.  Eden  was  nominated  for  governor ;  William  H.  Van 
Epps,  lieutenant-governor;  Gustavus  Van  Hornebecke,  secre- 
tary of  state;  John  R.  Shannon,  auditor;  Jesse  L.  Phillips, 
treasurer;  and  William  O'Brien  for  congressman-at-large. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Peoria,  May 
6.  Franklin  Corwin  presided,  and  James  P.  Root  was  chosen 
secretary.  Peoria  was  the  home  of  Colonel  Robert  G.  Inger- 
soll, who  had  been  favorably  mentioned  for  governor  in  the 
event  that  General  John  M.  Palmer  would  not  accept  the 
nomination.  General  Palmer,  however,  would  have  been 
nominated  by  acclamation  had  the  fact  been  generally  known 
he  would  not  decline  the  honor.  On  the  first  ballot  Palmer 
received  263  votes;  Ingersoll,  117 ;  S.  W.  Moulton,  82;  Jesse 
K.  Dubois,  17.  The  second  ballot  resulted  as  follows:  Pal- 


102  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

mer,  317 ;  Ingersoll,  118;  Moulton,  52 ;  Dubois,  17.  Palmer's 
nomination  was  then  made  unanimous. 

John  Dougherty  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor; 
Edward  Rummel,  secretary  of  state;  Charles  E.  Lippincott, 
auditor;  Erastus  N.  Bates,  treasurer.  There  was  a  lively 
contest  over  the  nomination  for  attorney-general  between 
General  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut  and  Washington  Bushnell, 
which  resulted  in  the  choice  of  the  latter.  General  John  A. 
Logan  was  renominated  for  congressman-at-large  by  acclama- 
tion. 

The  platform  endorsed  the  reconstruction  policy  of  con- 
gress, denounced  the  repudiation  of  any  portion  of  the  public 
debt,  and  endorsed  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  president. 

Delegates  to  the  Republican  national  convention  were 
chosen  as  follows:  At  large,  John  A.  Logan,  B.  J.  Sweet, 
A.  C.  Babcock,  J.  K.  Dubois,  E.  A.  Storrs;  district  delegates, 
J.  R.  Jones,  Herman  Raster,  M.  L.  Joslyn,  William  Hulin, 
James  L.  Camp,  N.  D.  Swift,  Calvin  Truesdale,  Ira  D. 
Chamberlain,  Mark  Bangs,  W.  L.  Wiley,  Henry  Fish, 
Calhoun  Grant,  J.  W.  Langley,  James  H.  Steele,  Giles  A. 
Smith,  I.  S.  Whitmore,  Hugh  L.  Fullerton,  C.  N.  Whitney, 
John  Logan,  A.  C.  Vanderwater,  J.  A.  Powell,  William  H. 
Robinson,  P.  E.  Hosmer,  Philip  Isenmeyer,  B.  G.  Roots, 
Thomas  S.  Ridgway. 

The  presidential  electors  were :  At  large,  Stephen  A.  Hurl- 
but,  Gustavus  Koerner ;  district  electors,  Thomas  J.  Hender- 
son, Lorenz  Brentano,  Jesse  S.  Hildrup,  James  McCoy, 
Henry  W.  Draper,  Thomas  G.  Frost,  Joseph  O.  Glover, 
John  W.  Blackburn,  Samuel  C.  Parks,  Damon  G.  Tunnicliff, 
John  D.  Strong,  Edward  Kitchell,  Charles  F.  Springer, 
Daniel  W.  Munn. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  103 

The  national  Republican  convention  met  in  Chicago  May 
21.  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  practically  the  unanimous 
choice  of  the  delegates.  General  Logan  presented  the  name 
of  General  Grant  in  a  brief  and  stirring  speech.  Upon  the 
roll  call  of  states  every  one  of  the  650  votes  was  given  to  the 
general.  While  the  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height,  a  large 
portrait  of  General  Grant  was  unveiled,  and  the  delegates 
again  went  wild  with  cheering.  Schuyler  Colfax  was  nom- 
inated for  vice-president  on  the  fifth  ballot.  Benjamin  F. 
Wade,  Reuben  E.  Fenton  and  Henry  Wilson  were  candidates. 

General  Grant's  rise  to  fame  is  scarcely  without  parallel  in 
any  part  of  the  world.  In  1861  he  was  a  discouraged  man 
doing  clerical  work  in  a  dingy,  scantily  furnished  room  in  the 
adjutant-general's  office  at  Springfield  at  two  dollars  per  day. 
Within  four  years  he  was  hailed  as  one  of  the  conquerors  of  the 
world;  and  in  another  four  years  he  was  president  of  the 
United  States.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  months  as  secre- 
tary of  war  in  President  Johnson's  cabinet,  the  presidency 
was  the  only  office  ever  held  by  General  Grant.  He  was 
born  at  Point  Pleasant,  Ohio,  April  27,  1822 ;  graduated  from 
West  Point  in  1843;  served  in  the  Mexican  war,  after  which 
he  lived  on  a  farm  near  St.  Louis  and  then  removed  to 
Galena.  After  much  humiliation  and  discouragement  he 
received  the  appointment  of  colonel  of  the  Twenty-first  regi- 
ment of  infantry  from  Governor  Yates.  From  that  day  the 
stars  in  their  courses  fought  for  him,  from  Fort  Gibson, 
Raymond,  Champion  Hill,  Chattanooga,  Vicksburg  and  "on 
to  Richmond."  He  had  Napoleon's  genius  without  his  am- 
bition for  conquest.  In  the  hour  of  triumph  he  displayed  the 
simplicity  of  a  child.  At  Appomattox  Lee  appeared  the  con- 
queror and  Grant  the  conquered.  Grant's  mistakes  were  in 


104  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

men,  not  in  measures.  He  trusted  his  friends,  sometimes  not 
wisely,  but  too  much. 

The  national  Democratic  convention  began  its  sessions  in 
New  York  City  July  4.  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York, 
was  nominated  for  president  on  the  twenty-second  ballot; 
F.  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 

The  supreme  issue  was  the  congressional  policy  of  recon- 
struction. General  Grant  carried  twenty-six  states,  with  214 
electoral  votes;  Seymour  carried  eight  states,  with  eighty 
electoral  votes.  Grant's  majority  in  Illinois  was  51,150; 
General  Palmer's  was  50,099.  The  Republicans  elected  their 
entire  state  ticket  and  retained  control  of  both  branches  of  the 
legislature  by  increased  majorities.  The  delegation  in  con- 
gress included  ten  Republicans  and  four  Democrats,  as  fol- 
lows :  State  at  large,  John  A.  Logan ;  First  district,  Norman 
B.  Judd ;  Second,  J.  F.  Farnsworth ;  Third,  E.  B.  Washburne ; 
Fourth,  John  B.  Hawley;  Fifth,  Eben  C.  Ingersoll;  Sixth, 
Burton  C.  Cook;  Seventh,  Jesse  H.  Moore;  Eighth  Shelby 
M.  Cullom;  Ninth,  T.  W.  McNeely;  Tenth,  Albert  G. 
Burr;  Eleventh,  Samuel  S.  Marshall;  Twelfth,  John  B.  Hay; 
Thirteenth,  John  M.  Crebs.  Messrs.  McNeely,  Burr,  Mar- 
shall and  Crebs  were  Democrats. 

John  M.  Palmer  took  the  oath  of  office  as  governor  of 
Illinois  January  11,  1869.  In  his  inaugural  address  he  dis- 
cussed the  great  question  of  more  complete  legislative  control 
over  the  franchises  of  common  carriers.  This  was  the  first 
time  an  Illinois  executive  had  undertaken  to  grapple  with 
this  problem,  which  had  already  assumed  such  importance  in 
some  of  the  eastern  states.  Governor  Palmer  was  born  in 
Eagle  Creek,  Scott  county,  Kentucky,  September  13,  1817. 
It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  three  successive  governors  of 
Illinois,  Richard  Yates,  Richard  J.  Oglesby  and  John  M. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  105 

Palmer,  with  Abraham  Lincoln  who  had  wrought  so  glor- 
iously for  freedom,  should  have  come  from  a  border  slave 
state.  Governor  Palmer  had  achieved  distinction  in  civil 
and  military  life.  He  was  elected  colonel  of  the  Fourteenth 
Illinois  Volunteers,  and  arose  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general. 
Previous  to  that  time  he  had  been  probate  judge  of  Macoupin 
county,  state  senator,  member  of  a  constitutional  convention, 
presidential  elector  and  peace  commissioner.  General  Palmer 
was  a  sturdy  type  of  statesman.  Without  the  eloquence  or 
brilliance  of  Yates  and  Oglesby,  he  was  the  peer  of  either  in 
sheer  intellectual  force.  As  a  public  speaker  he  marshaled 
his  arguments  with  convincing  power.  He  was  pre-eminently 
a  lawyer,  and  the  unusual  number  of  his  vetoes  revealed  the 
utmost  confidence  in  his  own  grasp  of  large  principles.  He 
was  a  noble  old  Roman,  and  the  honors  he  received  from  his 
adopted  state  were  worthily  bestowed. 

Colonel  John  Dougherty  brought  to  the  office  of  lieuten- 
ant-governor the  experience  of  eight  years  in  the  house  and  four 
in  the  senate.  Before  the  civil  war  he  had  been  a  Democrat. 

The  twenty-sixth  general  assembly,  the  last  under  the 
constitution  of  1848,  convened  January  4,  1869.  There 
were  fifty-eight  Republicans  and  twenty-seven  Democrats  in 
the  house  and  eighteen  Republicans  and  seven  Democrats  in 
the  senate.  Franklin  Corwin  was  elected  speaker  of  the  house 
and  James  P.  Root,  clerk. 

Governor  Palmer's  recommendation  concerning  railroads 
bore  immediate  fruit.  General  Fuller,  chairman  of  the  senate 
committee  on  railroads,  introduced  a  bill  regulating  passenger 
rates.  The  bill  passed  both  houses,  but  was  vetoed  by  Gov- 
ernor Palmer,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  too  drastic.  General 
Fuller  promptly  introduced  a  new  measure,  which  was  more 
in  accordance  with  the  governor's  views  and  it  became  a  law 


106  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

March  10,  1869.  Thus  to  General  Fuller  belongs  the  honor 
of  the  first  statute  in  Illinois  for  the  regulation  of  railroad 
rates  by  law.  It  was  superseded,  however,  by  legislation 
under  the  constitution  of  1870.  Other  notable  events  of 
Governor  Palmer's  administration  were  the  lake  front  and 
Chicago  fire  controversies. 

The  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  federal  constitution  was 
ratified  by  a  strict  party  vote  in  each  house  on  the  5th  of 
March.  It  provided  that  "the  right  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United 
States,  or  by  any  state,  on  account  of  race,  color  or  previous 
condition  of  servitude." 

General  Grant  was  inaugurated  president  of  the  United 
States  March  4,  1869.  The  president  selected  his  old 
neighbor,  E.  B.  Washburne,  for  secretary  of  state.  Mr. 
Washburne  had  served  the  Galena  district  sixteen  years  in 
congress  and  was  known  as  the  "father  of  the  house,"  and 
"the  watchdog  of  the  treasury."  He  administered  the  speak- 
er's oath  of  office  twice  to  Schuyler  Colfax  and  once  to  James 
G.  Elaine.  Mr.  Washburne  was  succeeded  in  the  house  by 
Horatio  C.  Burchard,  of  Freeport,  who  achieved  a  national 
reputation  as  an  authority  on  coinage. 

Mr.  Washburne  resigned  from  the  cabinet  March  17, 
and  President  Grant  appointed  him  minister  to  France,  where 
he  remained  eight  years.  He  was  the  only  representative  of 
a  foreign  government  who  remained  in  Paris  during  the  siege 
and  the  reign  of  the  commune.  Mr.  Washburne  published 
his  "Recollections  of  a  Minister  to  France"  in  two  volumes 
in  1887. 

President  Grant  honored  other  Illinois  friends  with 
diplomatic  and  consular  posts.  Among  these  were  General 
Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  of  Belvidere,  as  minister  to  the  United 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  107 

States  of  Colombia;  Colonel  Clark  E.  Carr,  of  Galesburg, 
minister  to  Denmark;  General  A.  L.  Chetlain,  of  Galena, 
United  States  consul  at  Brussels.  The  president  appointed 
General  John  A.  Rawlins,  of  Galena,  secretary  of  war. 

In  1867  the  legislature  adopted  a  resolution  recommend- 
ing that  the  electors,  at  the  general  election  in  1868,  vote  on 
the  question  of  calling  a  convention  to  frame  a  new  constitu- 
tion. The  proposition  carried  by  the  narrow  margin  of  704 
votes.  The  legislature  in  1869  provided  for  an  election  to 
be  held  the  following  November,  for  the  choice  of  delegates. 

The  convention  assembled  at  Springfield,  December  13. 
It  consisted  of  eighty-five  members,  forty-four  of  whom  were 
Republicans  and  forty-one  Democrats.  Hon.  Charles  Hitch- 
cock was  the  presiding  officer.  The  final  adjournment  took 
place  May  13,  1870.  The  constitution  was  ratified  by  a  vote 
of  the  people  July  6  and  went  into  effect  August  8,  1870. 

The  distinctive  political  features  of  the  new  constitution 
were  the  removing  of  the  restriction  upon  two  consecutive 
terms  for  the  governor,  and  placing  it  upon  the  treasurer; 
the  offices  of  attorney-general  and  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  heretofore  existing  only  by  statute,  were  perma- 
nently established ;  the  number  of  members  of  the  legislature 
was  permanently  fixed  at  fifty-one  senators  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty-three  representatives,  with  a  new  apportionment 
every  ten  years;  minority  representation  was  established 
through  the  influence  of  Joseph  Medill;  the  number  of 
supreme  court  justices  was  increased  from  four  to  seven  and 
all  special  legislation  was  prohibited. 

The  Republican  state  convention  was  held  at  Springfield 
September  1.  General  Logan  was  renominated  for  congress- 
man-at-large ;  General  Bates  for  state  treasurer;  Newton 
Bateman  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 


108  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Democratic  convention  was  held  at  Springfield, 
September  14.  General  William  B.  Anderson  was  nominated 
for  congressman-at-large ;  Charles  Ridgley  for  treasurer; 
Charles  Feinz  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

The  elections  were  carried  by  the  Republicans,  who  elected 
their  state  ticket,  both  branches  of  the  legislature,  and  nine 
of  the  fourteen  congressmen.  The  Illinois  members  of  the 
forty-second  congress  were :  State  at  large,  John  A.  Logan  ; 
First  district,  Charles  B.  Farwell ;  Second,  J.  F.  Farnsworth ; 
Third,  H.  C.  Burchard;  Fourth,  John  B.  Hawley;  Fifth, 
Brad.  N.  Stevens;  Sixth,  Burton  C.  Cook;  Seventh,  Jesse  H. 
Moore ;  Eighth,  James  C.  Robinson ;  Ninth,  T.  W.  McNeely ; 
Tenth,  Edward  Y.  Rice;  Eleventh,  Samuel  S.  Marshall; 
Twelfth,  John  B.  Hay ;  Thirteenth,  John  M.  Crebs.  Messrs. 
Robinson,  McNeely,  Rice,  Marshall  and  Crebs  were  Demo- 
crats. 

The  general  assembly  convened  January  4,  1871.  It  had 
a  larger  number  of  members  than  any  preceding  or  succeeding 
assembly.  Since  the  apportionment  of  1861  there  had  been 
twenty-five  senators  and  eighty-five  representatives.  The  new 
constitution  provided  that  the  legislatures  elected  in  1872 
and  thereafter  should  consist  of  fifty-one  senators  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty-three  representatives.  Section  15  of  the 
schedule  of  the  new  constitution  also  provided,  as  a  provisional 
measure,  that  the  first  general  assembly  elected  after  its 
adoption  should  have  fifty  senators;  and  Section  13  pro- 
vided that  the  governor  and  secretary  of  state  should  appor- 
tion the  state  for  the  election  of  representatives.  Under  this 
apportionment  177  members  of  the  house  were  elected  at  the 
general  election  in  1870. 

Railroad  legislation  occupied  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
time.  This  fact  recalls  an  incident  which  is  without  a  parallel 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  109 

in  the  history  of  the  state,  and  has  escaped  the  attention  of  all 
historians.  General  Fuller,  of  Belvidere,  was  chairman  of 
the  senate  committee  on  railroads;  his  next  door  neighbor, 
Hon.  Jesse  S.  Hildrup,  was  chairman  of  the  house  committee 
on  railroads.  These  gentlemen,  invested  with  the  power  of 
shaping  the  railroad  legislation  of  Illinois,  were  from  the  same 
little  town  of  three  thousand  people,  with  only  a  single  rail- 
road. 

January  17  the  legislature  convened  in  joint  session  for 
the  election  of  a  United  States  senator  to  succeed  Richard 
Yates.  The  Republican  caucus  showed  98  for  Logan ;  23  for 
Oglesby  and  8  for  Koerner.  The  Democrats  supported 
Colonel  Thomas  J.  Turner.  The  vote  in  the  senate  stood: 
Logan,  32;  Turner,  18.  House,  Logan,  99;  Turner,  71; 
William  R.  Snyder,  2. 

Upon  the  expiration  of  his  senatorial  term  Mr.  Yates 
retired  to  private  life.  He  died  suddenly  November  27,  1873, 
in  St.  Louis,  while  returning  from  Arkansas,  where  he  had 
gone  as  a  United  States  commissioner,  to  inspect  a  land  sub- 
sidy railroad,  under  appointment  of  President  Grant. 

The  advancement  of  General  Logan  to  the  senate  required 
an  election  of  his  successor  as  congressman-at-large.  A  state 
convention  was  held  at  Springfield  September  20.  General 
John  L.  Beveridge  was  nominated,  and  received  a  majority 
of  19,000  over  his  Democratic  opponent,  Samuel  Snowden 
Hayes. 


CHAPTER  XII 

RECONSTRUCTION  COMPLETED — THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1872 — 
RISE  AND  FALL  OF  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  MOVEMENT — 
NAST'S  CARTOONS — RE-ELECTION  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

IN  a  representative  government  the  supremacy  of  any  party 
will  not  continue  unchallenged.  Since  the  Republicans 
first  came  into  full  power  in  Illinois  in  1860,  they  had 
retained  control  of  all  branches  of  the  state  government,  with 
the  exception  of  1862.  In  1872  opposition  developed  within 
the  ranks  of  the  party  itself.  There  were  "insurgents"  in 
those  days,  but  they  adopted  another  name. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  southern  states  had  been  prac- 
tically completed  during  the  administration  of  President 
Johnson.  Virginia,  Mississippi,  Georgia,  and  Texas  were  the 
only  states  that  had  not  complied  with  the  conditions  already 
established,  and  these  soon  returned  to  the  union.  Thus  con- 
gress completed  its  work  of  reconstruction  in  1870. 

The  reconstruction  policy  of  the  government  may  be 
briefly  summarized.  One  of  the  great  problems  after  the 
civil  war  was  to  define  the  status  of  the  states  which  had 
seceded  and  to  reconstruct  their  governments.  President 
Lincoln  had  proceeded  upon  the  theory  it  was  only  necessary 
that  a  sufficient  number  of  citizens  should  form  a  state  gov- 
ernment, of  which  the  officials  were  loyally  desirous  of  main- 
taining constitutional  relations  with  the  federal  government. 
The  separation  of  West  Virginia  from  Virginia  had  been 
accomplished  by  a  Virginia  legislature  so  constituted.  Pres- 
ident Johnson  proceeded  upon  the  same  theory.  Other 

110 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  111 

theories  were  advanced  in  congress,  and  some  even  went  so 
far  as  to  hold  that  the  seceding  states  had  ceased  to  exist  as 
states,  and  constituted  territories,  respecting  which  congress 
was  at  liberty  to  make  such  terms  as  it  chose. 

The  view  generally  held  by  congress  was  that  the  southern 
states  could  be  admitted  only  on  such  terms  as  congress  should 
impose.  The  maintenance  of  this  view  was  largely  due  to  the 
belief  that  the  substantial  results  of  the  war,  concerning  the 
enfranchisement  and  the  civil  rights  of  the  negro,  could  not 
be  secured  in  any  other  way,  because  of  the  reluctance  of  some 
southern  legislatures  to  accept  these  results. 

Before  congress  convened  in  December,  1865,  President 
Johnson  had  recognized  provisional  governments  in  all  the 
southern  states,  with  a  single  exception,  on  their  acceptance 
of  the  thirteenth  amendment.  Congress,  however,  proposed 
the  fourteenth  amendment,  and  insisted  on  its  acceptance  as  a 
requisite  to  the  re-admission  of  any  state.  In  1867  congress 
passed  the  reconstruction  act,  which  divided  the  south  into 
five  military  districts,  under  command  of  generals  of  the  army, 
who  were  to  secure  a  registration  of  voters,  including  negroes, 
and  excluding  those  disqualified  by  the  fourteenth  amendment. 
These  voters  were  to  elect  delegates  to  a  convention,  which 
should  form  a  constitution,  to  be  ratified  by  popular  vote.  It 
should  then  be  submitted  to  congress,  and  if  it  was  acceptable 
to  that  body,  the  state  should  be  re-instated  whenever  its 
legislature  had  ratified  the  fourteenth  amendment.  The 
result  was  the  "carpet-bag"  governments. 

Under  this  act  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Louisiana  and 
the  Carolinas  were  re-admitted.  Tennessee  had  already  been 
re-admitted  by  congress  in  1866.  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Texas 
and  Virginia  were  also  required  to  ratify  the  fifteenth  amend- 
ment, and  were  not  re-admitted  until  1870.  In  1868  the 


112  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

supreme  court,  in  the  case  of  Texas  versus  White,  sustained 
the  congressional,  as  against  the  presidential,  theory  of  recon- 
struction. It  was  many  years,  however,  before  the  southern 
question  was  settled. 

The  administration  of  President  Grant  had  given  great 
dissatisfaction  to  an  influential  minority  in  his  own  party. 
The  discontent  first  manifested  itself  in  Missouri  in  1870, 
when  a  movement  was  inaugurated  for  the  repeal  of  a  consti- 
tutional provision  disfranchising  rebels.  Carl  Schurz  was  its 
most  distinguished  leader.  Schurz  was  at  that  time  an  exile 
from  the  Fatherland,  which  regarded  him  as  a  traitor;  and 
those  who  have  read  his  thrilling  experiences,  as  related  in  his 
autobiography,  will  understand  why  the  cause  of  the  disfran- 
chised made  an  irresistible  appeal  to  him. 

The  revolt  in  Missouri  was  local  in  its  original  scope,  but 
the  impelling  motive  struck  a  responsive  chord  in  other  states. 
The  Republican  party  was  savagely  attacked  for  its  alleged 
despotic  treatment  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion ;  and  it  was 
charged  that  congressional  reconstruction  had  been  a  bungling 
piece  of  business. 

Other  grounds  of  opposition  were  President  Grant's  policy 
looking  to  an  early  resumption  of  specie  payments ;  his  desire 
for  the  annexation  of  Santo  Domingo,  and  his  alleged  favorit- 
ism and  nepotism,  by  which  the  civil  service  had  been  degraded. 

These  discordant  elements  in  Missouri  crystallized  in  a 
state  mass  meeting  held  in  Jefferson  City,  in  January,  1872, 
when  a  call  was  issued  for  a  national  convention  of  liberal 
Republicans,  to  be  held  May  1,  in  Cincinnati. 

Carl  Schurz  was  permanent  presiding  officer  of  the  Cincin- 
nati convention.  Horace  Greeley  was  nominated  for  president 
on  the  sixth  ballot.  Lyman  Trumbull  and  David  Davis,  of 
Illinois,  received  votes  on  every  ballot.  B.  Bratz  Brown,  of 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  113 

Missouri,  was  nominated  for  vice-president  on  the  second 
ballot. 

The  national  Democratic  convention  met  at  Baltimore, 
July  9,  ratified  the  nomination  of  Greeley  and  Brown  and 
adopted  the  same  platform  of  principles. 

Many  distinguished  Republicans  in  Illinois  became  identi- 
fied with  this  liberal  movement.  Among  these  were  Lyman 
Trumbull,  John  M.  Palmer,  Newton  Bateman,  Francis  A. 
Hoffman,  William  Bross,  Gustavus  Koerner,  David  Davis, 
Leonard  Swett,  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  O.  M.  Hatch,  Horace 
White  and  John  Wentworth. 

The  Democrats  and  liberal  Republicans  "pooled  their 
issues"  in  Illinois.  Separate  state  conventions  were  held  at 
Springfield  June  26.  General  Palmer  presided  over  the 
"liberal"  body,  and  James  C.  Allen  over  the  Democrats. 
The  state  ticket  was  composed  of  representative  candidates 
from  each  party,  who  were  nominated  by  a  conference  com- 
mittee appointed  by  the  two  conventions,  and  confirmed  by 
each.  This  fusion  ticket  was  as  follows:  For  governor, 
Gustavus  Koerner;  lieutenant-governor,  John  C.  Black;  sec- 
retary of  state,  Edward  Rummel;  auditor,  Daniel  O'Hara; 
treasurer,  C.  H.  Lamphier;  attorney-general,  Lawrence  Wei- 
don.  Each  convention  was  addressed  by  Governor  Palmer 
and  Senator  Trumbull,  both  of  whom  had  been  signally  hon- 
ored by  the  Republican  party,  and  by  General  Shields. 

The  Republican  state  convention  opened  its  sessions  at 
Springfield  May  22.  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan  presided,  and 
the  proceedings  were  characterized  by  harmony  and  enthus- 
iasm. It  had  been  supposed  that  Governor  Palmer  would  seek 
a  renomination,  but  about  the  middle  of  April  he  announced 
that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate  before  the  convention  on  the 
ground  that  he  could  not  support  President  Grant  for  a 

6 


114  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

second  term.  This  declaration  simplified  matters  for  the 
convention,  which  nominated  General  Oglesby  for  governor 
without  a  dissenting  vote.  General  John  L.  Beveridge  was 
nominated  for  lieutenant-governor;  George  H.  Harlow,  sec- 
retary of  state ;  Charles  E.  Lippincott,  auditor ;  Edward  Rutz, 
treasurer ;  James  K.  Edsall,  attorney-general. 

The  platform  defined  the  relations  between  state  sov- 
ereignty and  national  supremacy  and  stated  that  the  principles 
underlying  this  issue  had  been  previously  enunciated,  and  that 
time  had  justified  the  attitude  of  the  party  on  this  question. 
The  platform  advocated  a  protective  tariff,  endorsed  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Grant  and  instructed  the  Illinois 
delegates  to  vote  for  his  renomination. 

The  following  delegates  were  chosen  to  the  national  con- 
vention :  State  at  large,  Stephen  T.  Logan,  Emory  A.  Storrs, 
Leonard  F.  Ross,  Jasper  Partridge;  district  delegates:  J. 
Young  Scammon,  Lewis  Ellsworth,  Herman  Raster,  James 
L.  Campbell,  Clark  W.  Upton,  William  Vocke,  J.  H.  May- 
burn,  A.  B.  Coon,  John  C.  Smith,  Edward  B.  Warner, 
Andrew  Crawford,  J.  W.  Templeton,  Lyman  B.  Ray,  W. 
M.  Sweetland,  W.  R.  Hickox,  N.  E.  Stevens,  Enoch  Emery, 
Edwin  Butler,  John  McKeeney,  Sr.,  Henry  Tubbs,  George 
W.  Burns,  David  Pierson,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  John  Moses, 
William  McGailliard,  Thomas  Snell,  Joseph  R.  Mosser, 
James  Knight,  T.  A.  Apperson,  James  Steele,  H.  C.  Goodnow, 
J.  F.  Alexander,  Russell  Hinckley,  A.  W.  Metcalf,  George 
Waters,  T.  H.  Burgess,  D.  W.  Lusk  and  Israel  A.  Powell. 

The  presidential  electors  were:  Henry  Greenbaum, 
David  T.  Linegar,  Chauncey  T.  Bowen,  Lester  L.  Bond, 
Mahlon  D.  Ogden,  Richard  L.  Devine,  James  Shaw,  Norman 
H.  Ryan,  Irus  Coy,  Joseph  J.  Cassell,  William  Selden  Gale, 
William  D.  Henderson,  Moses  M.  Bane,  George  A.  Sanders, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  115 

Hugh  Fullerton,  Martin  B.  Thompson,  Jacob  W.  Wilkin, 
John  P.  Van  Dorston,  John  I.  Rinaker,  John  Dougherty, 
William  H.  Robinson. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  at  Phil- 
adelphia, June  8.  President  Grant  was  renominated  without 
opposition.  Senator  Cullom  was  chairman  of  the  Illinois 
delegation,  and  nominated  Grant  in  the  shortest  speech  of  the 
kind  ever  made  in  a  national  Republican  convention.  Senator 
Cullom  said:  "Gentlemen  of  the  convention:  On  behalf 
of  the  great  Republican  party  of  Illinois,  and  that  of  the 
union — in  the  name  of  liberty,  of  loyalty,  of  justice,  and  of  law 
— in  the  interest  of  economy,  of  good  government,  of  peace, 
and  of  the  equal  rights  of  all — remembering  with  profound 
gratitude  his  glorious  achievements  in  the  field,  and  his  noble 
statesmanship  as  chief  magistrate  of  this  great  nation — I  nom- 
inate as  president  of  the  United  States,  for  a  second  term, 
Ulysses  S.  Grant." 

Henry  Wilson,  United  States  senator  from  Massachusetts, 
was  nominated  for  vice-president,  after  a  spirited  contest  with 
the  incumbent,  Schuyler  Colfax. 

One  of  the  stirring  incidents  of  the  convention  was  the 
speech  of  Governor  Oglesby,  who  made  a  wonderful  im- 
pression. Senator  Cullom,  in  his  "Recollections,"  describes 
the  scene  as  follows:  "I  do  not  recall  that  I  ever  saw  a  man 
electrify  an  audience  as  did  Governor  Oglesby  on  that  occas- 
ion. It  was  the  first  convention  where  there  were  colored 
men  admitted  as  delegates.  Some  of  the  delegates  occupied 
the  main  floor.  Old  Garret  Smith,  the  great  abolitionist,  was 
in  the  gallery,  at  the  head  of  the  New  York  delegation. 
Oglesby  took  for  his  theme  first  the  colored  man  represented 
there  on  the  floor  of  that  convention,  and  then  Garret  Smith. 
He  set  the  crowd  wild.  They  cheered  him  to  the  echo.  We 


116  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

adjourned  for  luncheon  immediately  after  he  concluded  his 
speech,  and  many  of  the  delegates  asked  me  who  that  man 
was.  I  was  proud  to  be  able  to  tell  them  that  it  was  Governor 
Oglesby,  of  Illinois;  and  the  remark  was  frequently  made 
that  it  was  no  wonder  that  Illinois  gave  sixty  thousand  Repub- 
lican majority  with  such  a  man  as  its  governor." 

There  were  Democrats  in  the  country  who  believed  the 
fusion  with  liberal  Republicans  was  a  cowardly  surrender  of 
principle  for  the  sake  of  a  possible  victory.  Their  representa- 
tives assembled  in  national  convention  at  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
September  8,  and  nominated  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York, 
for  president,  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  for 
vice-president.  Labor  reformers  and  prohibitionists  also  held 
conventions  and  nominated  candidates.  David  Davis,  of 
Illinois,  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  labor  reformers, 
declined  the  honor  four  months  after  it  was  tendered,  and  the 
name  of  Charles  O'Conor  was  substituted. 

With  the  practical  elimination  of  the  labor  reformers 
there  were  four  tickets  in  the  field.  The  leaders  who  revolted 
against  President  Grant  were  very  influential,  not  only  in 
Illinois,  but  throughout  the  entire  country.  The  Chicago 
Tribune  was  that  year  under  the  editorial  management  of 
Horace  White,  who  gave  its  influence  to  Mr.  Greeley.  Early 
in  the  campaign  there  was  much  apprehension  among  Repub- 
licans concerning  the  outcome. 

A  memorable  feature  of  the  campaign  was  Thomas  Nast's 
cartoons  in  Harper's  Weekly  of  Mr.  Greeley  with  his  white 
silk  hat  and  overcoat  of  the  same  color,  from  the  pockets  of 
which  always  protruded  copies  of  the  New  York  Tribune, 
with  articles  on  "What  I  Know  About  Farming." 

One  of  Nast's  most  striking  cartoons  was  Charles  Sumner 
weeping  over  the  neglected  grave  of  Preston  S.  Brooks,  of 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  117 

South  Carolina.  Brooks  was  the  southerner  who  in  1856 
assaulted  Sumner  in  the  senate  chamber.  Mr.  Sumner 
"Greeleyized"  during  this  campaign,  and  the  picture  presented 
the  distinguished  Massachusetts  senator  as  one  in  spirit  with 
the  brute  who  had  struck  him  down.  Irony  was  never  more 
powerfully  portrayed  in  a  cartoon. 

As  the  campaign  progressed  the  Republicans  became  more 
confident  and  their  early  alarm  proved  to  be  without  founda- 
tion. Many  of  the  leaders  in  the  revolt  were  unable  to  swing 
their  personal  followings  into  line,  and,  as  a  result,  no  serious 
inroads  were  made  into  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party.  The 
Greeley  movement  was  a  complete  failure. 

General  Grant  received  286  electoral  votes;  combined 
Liberal  and  Democratic  parties,  63;  while  17  were  not 
counted. 

The  Republicans  captured  everything  in  sight  in  Illinois. 
The  Grant  electors  received  241,237  votes;  Greeley  electors 
184,772;  Grant's  plurality,  56,465.  Oglesby's  plurality  for 
governor  over  Koerner  was  40,690,  and  the  pluralities  for  the 
remainder  of  the  state  ticket  was  above  48,000.  Both  branches 
of  the  legislature  were  Republican,  and  they  elected  fourteen 
congressmen. 

Under  the  congressional  apportionment  of  July  1,  1872, 
the  state  was  divided  into  nineteen  congressional  districts.  The 
delegation  of  Illinois  in  the  Forty-third  congress  was  as  fol- 
lows: First  district,  John  B.  Rice;  Second,  Jasper  D.  Ward; 
Third,  Charles  B.  Farwell;  Fourth,  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut; 
Fifth,  H.  C.  Burchard;  Sixth,  John  B.  Hawley;  Seventh, 
Franklin  Corwin;  Eighth  Greenbury  L.  Fort;  Ninth,  Gran- 
ville  Barriere ;  Tenth,  William  H.  Ray ;  Eleventh,  Robert  M. 
Knapp ;  Twelfth,  James  C.  Robinson ;  Thirteenth,  John  Me 
Nulta;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Fifteenth,  John  R. 


118  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Eden ;  Sixteenth,  James  S.  Martin ;  Seventeenth,  William  R. 
Morrison;  Eighteenth,  Isaac  Clements;  Nineteenth,  Samuel 
S.  Marshall. 

Messrs.  Knapp,  Robinson,  Eden,  Morrison  and  Marshall 
were  Democrats.  It  will  be  observed  that  this  was  the  year 
Joseph  G.  Cannon  entered  upon  his  unique  congressional 
career,  which  in  some  respects  has  no  parallel  in  the  history 
of  the  country. 

With  the  collapse  of  the  Liberal  Republican  party,  its 
leaders  sought  other  affiliations.  Some  returned  to  the  old 
party  fold,  while  a  still  larger  number  became  permanently 
identified  with  the  Democratic  party.  Treason  to  party  is 
not  readily  forgiven ;  and  no  wandering  prodigals  had  fatted 
calves  killed  in  honor  of  their  return.  General  Palmer  and 
Judge  Davis  were  subsequently  elected  United  States  senators 
by  Democratic  votes.  They  were  men  above  suspicion  of 
changing  their  party  for  personal  advantage,  and  their  sin- 
cerity was  never  questioned.  Lyman  Trumbull  may  have 
been  equally  sincere,  but  he  was  not  so  successful  in  convincing 
the  people  of  the  fact. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

INAUGURATION  OF  GENERAL  OGLESBY  AND  HIS  ELECTION  TO 

THE     UNITED    STATES    SENATE GOVERNOR    JOHN     L. 

BEVERIDGE — REVERSES    OF     1874 HAYES-TILDEN     CON- 
TEST   OF     1876 GENERAL    HURLBUT    GETS    COLONEL 

INGERSOLL    TO    NOMINATE     BLAINE     FOR    PRESIDENT 

HURLBUT  WARNS  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS THE  ELEC- 
TIONS  DAVID  DAVIS  ELECTED  SENATOR CAMPAIGN  OF 

1878 — LOGAN   RETURNS  TO  THE  SENATE. 

GENERAL   Oglesby   was   inaugurated    governor   of 
Illinois  a  second  time  January  13,  1873.    The  inaug- 
uration, however,  was  a  mere  formality,  as  General 
Oglesby  had  already  been  unanimously  declared  the  nominee 
of  the  Republican  caucus  for  United  States  senator.    Lyman 
Trumbull  was  the  Democratic  nominee.     The  election  was 
held  January  21,  with  the  following  result:    Senate,  Oglesby, 
33;  Trumbull,  16;  Coolbaugh,  2;  in  the  house,  Oglesby,  84; 
Trumbull,  62. 

Opponents  of  General  Oglesby  challenged  the  validity 
of  his  election.  They  contended  he  was  ineligible  to  the  office 
under  Section  5,  of  Article  5  of  the  state  constitution,  which 
says:  "Neither  the  governor,  lieutenant-governor,  auditor  of 
public  accounts,  secretary  of  state,  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  nor  attorney-general  shall  be  eligible  to  any  other 
office  during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected." 
The  protest  had  no  effect,  as  each  house  of  congress  is  sole 
judge  of  the  election  and  qualification  of  its  own  members. 

11? 


120  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  defeat  of  Lyman  Trumbull  resulted  in  his  retirement 
to  private  life,  after  eighteen  years  of  conspicuous  service  in 
the  United  States  senate.  His  estrangement  from  his  party 
began  with  his  opposition  to  the  impeachment  of  Andrew 
Johnson  and  culminated  in  the  Greeley  campaign  of  1872. 

January  23,  two  days  after  his  inauguration,  Governor 
Oglesby  tendered  his  resignation,  and  the  lieutenant-governor 
succeeded  to  the  office. 

John  L.  Beveridge  was  born  in  Greenwich,  Washington 
county,  New  York,  July  6,  1824,  of  Scotch  Presbyterian  an- 
cestry. He  came  with  his  father's  family  to  Illinois  in  1842 
and  settled  in  DeKalb  county.  He  went  to  Tennessee,  where 
he  read  law  and  practiced  his  profession  for  several  years. 
In  1851  he  returned  to  Illinois,  resided  in  Sycamore  until 
1854,  when  he  removed  to  Evanston  and  opened  a  law  office 
in  Chicago.  He  recruited  a  company  for  the  Eighth  Illinois 
cavalry,  of  which  his  law  partner,  John  F.  Farnsworth,  was 
colonel.  Mr.  Beveridge  subsequently  organized  the  Seven- 
teenth Illinois  cavalry  and  served  with  distinction.  He  was 
mustered  out  of  the  service  February  6,  1866,  with  the  rank 
of  brevet  brigadier-general. 

Mr.  Beveridge's  honors  in  civil  life  came  in  quick  succes- 
sion. He  was  elected  state  senator  in  1870.  He  resigned  his 
seat  to  accept  the  nomination  for  congressman-at-large,  to 
succeed  John  A.  Logan,  who  had  been  elected  United  States 
senator.  Mr.  Beveridge  resigned  this  position  to  become  a 
candidate  for  lieutenant-governor  in  1872.  Thus  within  three 
weeks  he  held  the  offices  of  congressman,  lieutenant-governor 
and  governor.  Governor  Beveridge  administered  the  affairs 
of  his  high  office  with  dignity  and  honor. 

The  legislature  convened  January  8,  1873.  There  were 
fifty-one  senators  and  153  representatives.  This  is  the  number 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  121 

which  had  been  definitely  fixed  by  the  new  constitution.  The 
Republicans  had  a  majority  of  seventeen  in  the  senate,  and 
nineteen  in  the  house. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  senate,  John  Early,  of  Win- 
nebago,  was  chosen  president  pro  tempore,  and  thus  acting 
lieutenant-governor  of  the  state.  In  1870  Mr.  Early  was 
elected  state  senator  from  the  Twenty-third  district,  composed 
of  Winnebago,  Boone,  McHenry  and  Lake  counties.  After 
the  state  had  been  redistricted  he  was  elected  senator  in  1872 
from  the  Ninth  district,  which  included  Winnebago  and  Boone 
counties;  and  in  1874  he  was  again  elected  for  the  full  term 
of  four  years. 

Shelby  M.  Cullom  was  elected  speaker  of  the  house  a 
second  time,  over  Newton  R.  Casey.  Daniel  Shepard  was 
chosen  clerk. 

This  legislature  was  in  session  two  hundred  and  four  days, 
and  finally  adjourned  March  31,  1874.  It  enacted  much 
important  legislation,  although  there  was  nothing  of  a  dis- 
tinctively political  nature. 

The  revolt  within  the  Republican  party  in  1872  continued 
with  more  serious  results  in  1874.  Upon  the  ruins  of  the 
Liberal  Republican  organization  there  was  formed  an  anti- 
monopoly  party.  The  issues  incident  to  the  civil  war  and 
reconstruction  had  been  settled,  so  far  as  Illinois  was  con- 
cerned. Other  questions  of  a  different  nature  had  arisen. 
Among  these  were  the  currency  and  the  legislative  control  of 
railroads. 

The  order  of  Patrons  of  Husbandry  had  been  organ- 
ized a  few  years  before,  and,  contrary  to  the  alleged  purpose 
of  its  origin,  it  soon  developed  into  a  political  power.  The 
railroads  were  determined  to  disregard  the  legislation  of  1871. 
Moreover,  the  state  supreme  court  had  in  1873  declared  in- 


122  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

operative  a  portion  of  the  law  against  discrimination  in  freight 
rates.  The  sequel  to  this  decision  was  the  defeat  of  Judge 
Lawrence,  who  prepared  the  opinion,  as  a  candidate  for  re- 
election as  a  justice  of  the  supreme  court. 

These  facts  gave  significance  to  the  new  organization 
which  adopted  the  name  of  the  "Illinois  State  Independent 
Reform"  party.  It  held  the  first  state  convention  of  the  year 
at  Springfield,  June  10,  1874,  and  was  composed  of  representa- 
tives from  all  existing  political  organizations.  J.  M.  Allen, 
of  Henry  county,  presided. 

Some  of  the  features  of  the  platform  were  a  demand  for 
the  repeal  of  the  national  banking  law  and  the  issue  of  legal 
tender  currency  direct  from  the  treasury,  interchangeable  for 
government  bonds  bearing  a  low  rate  of  interest ;  a  declaration 
in  favor  of  railroad  legislation ;  condemnation  of  the  practice 
of  public  officials  receiving  railroad  passes;  opposition  to  the 
principle  of  protective  tariff. 

David  Gore  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and  Samuel 
M.  Etter  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield, 
June  17.  Shelby  M.  Cullom  presided.  Thomas  S.  Ridgway 
was  nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and  William  H.  Powell, 
of  Kane  county,  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

The  platform  reaffirmed  the  declaration  of  the  national 
convention  in  1872,  in  favor  of  an  early  return  to  specie  pay- 
ments; opposed  the  retiring  of  $382,000,000  United  States 
treasury  notes ;  favored  free  banking  and  the  election  of  pres- 
ident and  vice-president  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

A  third  convention,  calling  itself  "Democratic  Liberal," 
was  held  at  Springfield,  August  26.  Charles  Carroll  was 
nominated  for  state  treasurer.  S.  M.  Etter,  the  nominee  of 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  123 

the  reformers,  was  endorsed  for  superintendent  of  public  in- 
struction. 

The  platform  declared  for  the  restoration  of  gold  and 
silver  as  the  basis  of  currency;  for  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments  as  soon  as  possible;  no  tariff  except  for  revenue 
purposes ;  individual  liberty  and  opposition  to  sumptuary  laws 
were  favored. 

The  elections  resulted  in  the  first  defeat  of  the  Republicans 
since  the  reverses  in  1862.  Thomas  S.  Ridgway,  the  Repub- 
lican candidate  for  treasurer,  was  elected;  but  S.  M.  Etter, 
the  fusion  candidate  for  superintendent,  was  chosen  over 
William  B.  Powell,  Republican. 

The  Republicans  elected  only  seven  members  of  congress, 
and  the  contests  were  close  in  several  districts.  Carter  Har- 
rison was  elected  in  the  Second  Chicago  district  by  only  eight 
votes.  General  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut  had  a  majority  of  only 
1,149  over  John  F.  Farnsworth  in  the  Fourth  district,  one  of 
the  bulwarks  of  Republicanism.  Illinois  was  represented  in 
the  Forty-fourth  congress  by  the  following:  First  district, 
B.  G.  Caulfield,  Second,  Carter  H.  Harrison ;  Third,  Charles 
B.  Farwell;  Fourth,  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut;  Fifth,  H.  C. 
Burchard ;  Sixth,  Thomas  J.  Henderson ;  Seventh,  Alexander 
Campbell;  Eighth,  Greenbury  L.  Fort;  Ninth,  Richard  H. 
Whiting;  Tenth,  John  C.  Bagby;  Eleventh,  Scot  Wike; 
Twelfth,  William  M.  Springer;  Thirteenth,  A.  E.  Steven- 
son ;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon ;  Fifteenth,  John  R.  Eden, 
Sixteenth,  William  A.  J.  Sparks;  Seventeenth,  William  R. 
Morrison;  Eighteenth,  William  Hartzell;  Nineteenth,  Wil- 
liam B.  Anderson.  Messrs.  Campbell  and  Anderson  were 
Reformers  or  Greenbackers ;  Messrs.  Farwell,  Hurlbut,  Bur- 
chard,  Henderson,  Fort,  Whiting  and  Cannon  were  Repub- 


124  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

licans.  Farwell's  seat  was  contested,  declared  vacant  and 
John  V.  LeMoyne,  Democrat,  was  elected  his  successor. 

The  political  complexion  of  the  legislature  was  decidedly 
mixed.  In  the  senate  were  24  Republicans,  19  Democrats, 
and  9  Independents,  Liberals  and  Reformers.  The  Indepen- 
dents, therefore,  held  the  balance  of  power  in  both  houses. 

The  general  assembly  convened  in  January.  It  was  a 
stormy  session  from  beginning  to  end.  The  trouble  began 
with  the  contest  over  the  speakership.  Mr.  Cullom  was  the 
nominee  of  the  Republican  caucus.  The  Independents  sup- 
ported E.  M.  Haines,  of  Waukegan,  and  the  fact  soon 
developed  that  the  honor  would  not  go  to  a  Democrat.  The 
break  came  after  the  first  ballot,  when  enough  Democrats 
voted  for  Haines  to  secure  his  election.  Haines  had  been  a 
Democrat,  then  a  Republican,  and  was  now  an  Independent 
Reformer.  He  was  a  thorough  parliamentarian,  but  his  rul- 
ings were  arbitrary,  and  his  career  as  speaker  ended  in  scenes 
of  disorder. 

Archibald  A.  Glenn,  a  Democrat,  was  elected  president  of 
the  senate,  over  John  Early,  the  Republican  caucus  nominee, 
and  thus  became  acting  lieutenant-governor  of  the  state. 

The  general  assembly  adjourned  April  18,  1875,  and  the 
session  laws  were  contained  in  the  smallest  volume  that  had 
been  published  in  forty  years. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1876  was  one  of  the  most 
memorable  in  the  history  of  the  republic.  The  financial  panic 
of  1873,  the  operations  of  the  "whisky  ring"  and  the  impeach- 
ment of  Secretary  Belknap  had  been  unfortunate  incidents  in 
President  Grant's  second  term.  The  flames  of  party  passion 
were  enkindled  early  in  the  year  through  other  causes.  The 
political  revulsion  in  1874  gave  the  Democrats  the  control 
of  the  house  when  the  Forty-fourth  congress  assembled  in 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  125 

December,  1875.  James  G.  Blaine,  who  had  served  three 
terms  as  speaker,  became  the  leader  of  the  minority. 

During  the  winter  a  general  amnesty  bill  was  introduced 
to  remove  the  political  disabilities  of  participants  in  the  civil 
war  which  had  been  imposed  by  the  fourteenth  amendment. 
Mr.  Blaine  moved  to  amend  by  making  an  exception  of 
Jefferson  Davis,  and  supported  his  amendment  with  an  impas- 
sioned speech.  Benjamin  H.  Hill,  of  Georgia,  replied  to  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  a  period  of  stormy  contention  followed.  The 
episode  attracted  national  attention  and  Mr.  Blaine  added  to 
his  laurels  as  a  parliamentary  leader.  Many  Republicans, 
however,  deplored  the  fact  that  he  had  revived  memories  of 
the  civil  war  that  they  were  willing  to  forget. 

The  Republican  state  convention  met  at  Springfield,  May 
24,  1876.  Henry  S.  Baker,  of  Madison  county,  presided. 
Shelby  M.  Cullom  was  nominated  for  governor  on  the  first 
ballot,  over  John  L.  Beveridge,  and  Thomas  S.  Ridgway. 
Andrew  Shuman  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor; 
George  H.  Harlow,  secretary  of  state;  Thomas  B.  Needles, 
auditor ;  Edward  Rutz,  treasurer ;  James  K.  Edsall,  attorney- 
general. 

The  platform  condemned  leniency  toward  the  people  of 
the  south  who  had  lately  been  in  rebellion ;  favored  a  lower 
rate  of  interest  for  United  States  bonds;  the  payment  of  the 
public  debt  in  good  faith,  and  endorsed  the  existing  system  of 
paper  currency. 

Delegates  were  appointed  to  the  national  convention  as 
follows :  For  the  state  at  large,  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  Joseph 
W.  Robbins,  Green  B.  Raum,  George  D.  Banks;  from  dis- 
tricts in  the  numerical  order,  two  from  each:  Sidney  Smith, 
George  M.  Bogue;  John  McArthur,  S.  K.  Dow;  Frank  W. 
Palmer,  Charles  B.  Farwell;  William  CofHn,  E.  E.  Ayers; 


126  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

L.  Burchell,  Alexander  Walker ;  A.  R.  Mack,  J.  W.  Hopkins ; 
J.  Everts,  G.  N.  Chittenden ;  J.  F.  Culver,  A.  Burk ;  Thomas 
A.  Boyd,  Enoch  Emery ;  D.  Mack,  D.  McDill ;  J.  M.  Davis, 
George  W.  Ware ;  William  Prescott,  N.  W.  Branson ;  C.  R. 
Cummings,  R.  B.  Latham ;  D.  D.  Evans,  L.  J.  Bond ;  Benson 
Wood,  Thomas  L.  Golden ;  James  S.  Martin,  George  C.  Me 
Cord ;  John  I.  Rinaker,  H.  L.  Baker ;  William  M.  Adams, 
Isaac  C.  Clements ;  F.  D,  Ham,  William  H.  Robinson. 

The  presidential  electors  were:  John  I.  Rinaker,  Peter 
Schuttler,  George  Armour,  Bolivar  G.  Gill,  Louis  Schaffner, 
Allen  C.  Fuller,  Joseph  M.  Bailey,  John  B.  Hawley,  Franklin 
Corwin,  Jason  W.  Strevell,  Oscar  F.  Price,  Alexander  Me 
Lean,  David  E.  Beaty,  Philip  N.  Miniere,  Michael  Donahue, 
Hugh  Crea,  George  D.  Chafee,  James  M.  Truitt,  Cyrus 
Happy,  George  C.  Ross,  Joseph  J.  Castles. 

The  Greenback  or  Reform  party  held  its  state  convention 
at  Decatur  and  nominated  Lewis  Steward  for  governor;  M. 
M.  Hooton,  secretary  of  state ;  John  Hise,  auditor ;  Henry  T. 
Aspern,  treasurer ;  Winfield  S.  Coy,  attorney-general. 

The  Democrats  held  two  state  conventions  at  Springfield. 
The  first  was  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  delegates  to  the 
national  convention  at  St.  Louis.  The  second,  held  July  27, 
endorsed  Lewis  Steward,  the  reform  nominee,  for  governor, 
and  nominated  A.  A.  Glenn  for  lieutenant-governor;  S.  Y. 
Thornton,  secretary  of  state;  John  Hise,  Fusion,  auditor; 
George  Gundlack,  treasurer;  Edmund  Lynch,  attorney-gen- 
eral. 

From  the  day  Mr.  Elaine  met  Ben  Hill  in  debate  on  the 
floor  of  the  house,  he  was  hailed  as  a  Moses  to  lead  his  party 
to  victory  in  the  impending  presidential  campaign. 

Mr.  Blaine  became  an  avowed  candidate  for  president  and 
was  anxious  to  be  nominated  in  the  convention  by  an  Illinois 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  127 

man.  He  made  known  his  wishes  to  General  Hurlbut,  who 
was  then  representing  the  Fourth  district  in  the  house.  Gen- 
eral Hurlbut  had  been  profoundly  impressed  by  Mr.  Elaine's 
terrific  arraignment  of  the  southern  "brigadiers,"  and  became 
an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the  "man  from  Maine."  It  was 
understood  among  Hurlbut's  friends  that  he  would  have  been 
appointed  secretary  of  war  had  Elaine  succeeded  to  the  pres- 
idency. 

General  Hurlbut  told  Mr.  Elaine  he  knew  a  man  in 
Illinois  who  would  properly  place  him  in  nomination  if  he 
would  "quit  his  nonsense  long  enough."  Hurlbut  referred  to 
Colonel  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  who  was  then  attracting  local 
attention  by  his  attacks  upon  religion.  It  was  arranged  that 
General  Hurlbut  should  visit  Peoria  and  secure  Colonel  Inger- 
soll to  make  the  nominating  speech. 

The  sequel  is  familiar  history.  The  national  Republican 
convention  assembled  at  Cincinnati,  June  14.  Colonel  Inger- 
soll, in  a  speech  of  rare  eloquence  and  noble  diction,  nominated 
James  G.  Elaine  for  the  presidency.  In  graphic  word-painting 
Ingersoll  was  without  a  peer.  He  described  Elaine's  encounter 
with  the  southern  fire-eaters  in  these  words  of  flame:  "Like 
an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed  knight,  James  G.  Elaine 
marched  down  the  halls  of  the  American  congress,  and  threw 
his  shining  lance  full  and  fair,  against  the  brazen  foreheads  of 
the  defamers  of  his  country,  and  the  maligners  of  his  honor." 
Although  Elaine  never  became  president,  he  was  ever  after- 
ward the  "plumed  knight,"  and  Colonel  Ingersoll  leaped  to 
fame  at  a  single  bound. 

Other  candidates  before  the  convention  were  Benjamin  H. 
Bristow,  Roscoe  Conkling,  John  A.  Hartranft,  Rutherford 
B.  Hayes,  Marshall  Jewell  and  Oliver  P.  Morton.  General 
Hayes  was  nominated  on  the  seventh  ballot.  William  A. 


128  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Wheeler,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 

The  national  Democratic  convention  was  held  at  St.  Louis, 
June  27.  General  John  A.  McClernand,  of  Illinois,  presided. 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for  president 
on  the  second  ballot,  and  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana, 
for  vice-president. 

The  National  Greenback  party,  in  convention  at  Indian- 
apolis, May  17,  nominated  Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for 
president,  and  Samuel  F.  Gary,  of  Ohio,  for  vice-president. 

The  story  of  the  campaign  that  followed,  the  uncertainty 
of  the  outcome  for  months  after  the  election,  and  the  extra- 
constitutional  expedient  of  an  electoral  commission  to  deter- 
mine the  result  belong  to  the  domain  of  national  history.  The 
serious  complications  that  may  arise  when  the  electoral  vote 
is  almost  evenly  divided  are  indicated  in  a  letter  written  by 
General  Hurlbut  to  his  neighbor,  General  Fuller,  of  Belvidere, 
who  was  a  presidential  elector.  In  the  letter,  now  in  possession 
of  the  writer,  General  Hurlbut  said:  "I  learn  from  sure 
sources  that  both  Belmont  and  Barlow,  of  New  York,  have 
within  forty-eight  hours  declared  their  absolute  certainty  of 
electing  Tilden,  even  if  Hayes  should  receive  South  Carolina, 
Florida  and  Louisiana.  This  may  easily  be  done.  If  any  one 
of  our  electors  should  vote  a  blank  vote,  it  will  make  a  tie  and 
throw  it  into  the  house.  I  think  some  man  has  been  secured  to 
do  this.  It  can  be  done  safely  if  the  voting  is  done  by  secret 
ballot,  and  will  not  appear  or  be  known  until  the  mischief  is 
done.  We  therefore  advise  all  our  friends  in  the  state  electoral 
colleges  to  adopt  the  open  ballot,  for  I  do  not  believe  any  man 
can  be  found  to  do  this  act  of  treachery  openly.  No  man 
supposes  that  any  one  of  our  people  in  Illinois  will  do  it,  but 
we  want  the  rule  universal.  We  are  on  the  edge  of  revolution 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  129 

already.  Things  are  miserably  bad,  but  do  not  leave  a  single 
loop-hole  unguarded." 

The  Republican  electors  in  Illinois  received  277,227  votes ; 
Democratic,  258,445;  Peter  Cooper,  17,232.  General  Hayes 
had  only  the  small  plurality  of  1,560. 

Shelby  M.  Cullom  had  a  plurality  of  only  6,798  for  gov- 
ernor over  Steward.  The  entire  state  ticket  was  elected  by 
reduced  majorities. 

The  Republicans  elected  eleven  of  the  nineteen  congress- 
men. The  election  resulted  as  follows:  First  district,  Wil- 
liam Aldrich;  Second,  Carter  H.  Harrison;  Third,  Lorenz 
Brentano ;  Fourth,  William  Lathrop ;  Fifth,  H.  C.  Burchard ; 
Sixth,  T.  J.  Henderson;  Seventh,  Philip  C.  Hayes;  Eighth, 
Greenbury  L.  Fort ;  Ninth,  Thomas  A.  Boyd ;  Tenth,  Ben- 
jamin F.  Marsh;  Eleventh,  Robert  M.  Knapp;  Twelfth, 
William  M.  Springer ;  Thirteenth,  Thomas  F.  Tipton ;  Four- 
teenth, Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Fifteenth,  John  R.  Eden;  Six- 
teenth, William  A.  J.  Sparks ;  Seventeeth,  William  R.  Mor- 
rison; Eighteenth,  William  Hartzell;  Nineteenth,  R.  W. 
Townshend.  Messrs.  Harrison,  Knapp,  Springer,  Eden, 
Sparks,  Morrison,  Hartzell  and  Townshend  were  Democrats. 

The  Republicans  lost  control  of  the  senate,  but  had  a 
majority  in  the  house.  In  the  senate  there  were  21  Repub- 
licans, 22  Democrats  and  8  Independents.  The  house  con- 
tained 79  Republicans,  67  Democrats,  7  Independents. 

Shelby  M.  Cullom  was  inaugurated  governor  January  8. 
He  was  the  fourth  consecutively  elected  governor  of  Illinois 
who  was  a  native  of  Kentucky.  He  was  born  in  Monticello, 
Wayne  county,  November  22,  1829.  Mr.  Cullom  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  in  the  Illinois  leg- 
islature in  1856,  1860,  1872  and  1874,  and  was  chosen  speaker 

10 


130  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

in  1861  and  1873.     From  1865  to  1871  he  represented  the 
Eighth  district  in  congress. 

Andrew  Shuman  was  born  in  Lancaster  county,  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  November,  1830.  His  life  was  devoted  to  journalism, 
and  his  nomination  as  lieutenant-governor  was  a  recognition  of 
his  efficient  services  for  the  Republican  party  as  one  of  the 
editors  of  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal. 

The  legislature  convened  January  3,  1877,  in  the  new 
state  house,  which  was  nearly  completed.  James  Shaw,  of  Mt. 
Carroll,  was  elected  speaker  of  the  house.  The  notable 
political  event  of  the  session  was  the  election  of  a  United 
States  senator  to  succeed  General  Logan.  The  motley  political 
complexion  of  both  houses  made  this  a  difficult  task.  General 
Logan  was  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  caucus,  while  the 
Democrats  supported  General  Palmer.  The  first  ballot  was 
taken  January  16.  Successive  ballots  showed  that  neither 
Logan  nor  Palmer  could  be  elected.  The  eight  Independents 
in  the  senate  and  seven  in  the  house  held  the  balance  of  power 
on  joint  ballot.  Those  in  the  house  were  under  the  leadership 
of  Andrew  Ashton,  of  Winnebago  county,  who  had  been 
elected  in  1874  and  re-elected  in  1876.  Mr.  Ashton,  in  telling 
this  story  a  short  time  before  his  death  to  the  writer,  said 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  only  man  in  public  life  he  ever 
idolized,  and  Lincoln,  in  turn,  highly  esteemed  Judge  Davis. 
Mr.  Ashton  therefore  determined  he  would  support  Judge 
Davis  for  senator.  Mr.  Ashton  and  his  friends  had  up  to 
this  time  received  no  intimation  that  Judge  Davis  desired  to 
be  senator. 

During  the  contest  Jesse  Fell,  of  Normal,  a  confidential 
friend  of  Judge  Davis,  went  to  Springfield,  made  the  acquain- 
tance of  Mr.  Ashton  and  told  him  that  Judge  Davis  would 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  131 

accept  the  senatorship,  as  his  duties  on  the  supreme  bench  were 
onerous,  and  he  longed  to  be  relieved  of  them. 

Mr.  Ashton  and  his  friends  became  more  determined. 
Meanwhile  the  deadlock  continued.  January  22  General 
Palmer's  name  was  withdrawn,  and  two  days  later  General 
Logan  withdrew.  Judge  Davis  was  elected  January  25  on  the 
fortieth  ballot. 

Judge  Davis  was  born  in  Cecil  county,  Maryland,  March 
6,  1815.  He  settled  in  Bloomington  in  1836,  served  in  the 
house  in  the  fourteenth  general  assembly  in  1844,  and  was  a 
member  of  the  constitutional  convention  of  1847.  The  next 
year  he  was  elected  judge  of  the  eighth  judicial  circuit  and 
was  re-elected  in  1855  and  1861.  In  1862  he  was  appointed 
justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  by  President 
Lincoln.  Judge  Davis  pursued  an  independent  course  after 
his  election  to  the  senate,  and  frequently  acted  with  the  Repub- 
licans. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  course  of  Mr.  Ashton  in  this 
matter  also  resulted  in  the  seating  of  Mr.  Hayes  as  president. 
This  tradition  is  based  on  the  supposition  that  Judge  Davis, 
as  a  member  of  the  supreme  court,  would  have  been  chosen  the 
fifteenth  member  of  the  electoral  commission,  and  would  have 
voted  to  seat  Mr.  Tilden.  The  facts,  however,  are  quite  the 
reverse.  Judge  Davis  told  Mr.  Ashton  that  Mr.  Tilden  did 
not  want  him  placed  on  the  commission.  In  view  of  this  fact, 
Judge  Davis  could,  under  no  circumstances,  accept  the  appoint- 
ment, even  if  it  were  tendered  him.  Thus,  while  Mr.  Ashton 
did  not  contribute,  even  indirectly,  to  the  seating  of  Mr. 
Hayes,  it  was  his  determined  course  that  made  David  Davis, 
upon  the  death  of  William  A.  Wheeler,  acting  vice-president 
of  the  United  States. 


132  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  state  campaign  of  1878  was  characterized  by  unusual 
interest  for  an  off  year.  The  Republican  convention  met  at 
Springfield,  June  26,  and  was  the  largest  ever  held  in  the  state 
up  to  that  time.  Charles  E.  Lippincott  was  the  permanent 
presiding  officer,  and  Daniel  Shepard  was  chosen  secretary. 
General  John  C.  Smith  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer  on 
the  third  ballot.  James  P.  Slade,  of  St.  Clair  county,  was 
named  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction  on  the  second 
ballot. 

The  platform  contained  the  following  reference  to  the 
currency:  "We  are  also  opposed  to  any  further  contraction  of 
the  greenback  currency,  and  are  in  favor  of  such  currency  as 
can  be  maintained  at  par  with,  and  convertible  into  coin  at  the 
will  of  the' holder.  We  are  in  favor  of  such  currency  being 
received  for  impost  duties."  Speeches  were  made  by  Generals 
Oglesby,  Logan  and  Hurlbut  and  Emery  A.  Storrs. 

The  Independent  Reformers  and  Democrats  were  in  favor 
of  a  demand  for  the  repeal  of  the  resumption  law,  but  they 
could  not  agree  upon  other  issues.  The  Independents  held 
their  state  convention  at  Springfield,  March  27.  General 
Erastus  N.  Bates  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and 
Frank  H.  Hall,  of  Kane  county,  for  state  superintendent  of 
public  instruction. 

The  Democrats  assembled  in  state  convention  April  11. 
Edward  L.  Cronkrite  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer  on 
the  third  ballot,  and  S.  M.  Etter  for  superintendent  of  public 
instruction  on  the  first  ballot. 

The  revolt  within  the  party  which  began  in  1872  and 
continued  several  years  had  spent  its  force  in  1878.  General 
John  C.  Smith  received  206,458  votes  for  state  treasurer; 
Cronkrite,  Democrat,  170,085;  Bates,  Greenback  Reformer, 
65,689 ;  Gorin,  Prohibitionist,  2,228 ;  James  P.  Slade  received 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  133 

205,461  votes  for  superintendent;  Etter,  Democrat,  171,336; 
Hall,  Greenbacker,  65,487;  Kate  Hopkins,  Prohibitionist, 
2,109. 

The  Republicans  also  regained  control  of  both  branches  of 
the  legislature  for  the  first  time  in  six  years  and  elected  eleven 
of  the  nineteen  members  of  congress. 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  forty-sixth  congress  as  fol- 
lows: First  district,  William  Aldrich;  Second,  George  R. 
Davis;  Third,  Hiram  Barber;  Fourth,  John  C.  Sherwin; 
Fifth,  R.  M.  A.  Hawk;  Sixth,  T.  J.  Henderson;  Seventh, 
Philip  C.  Hayes ;  Eighth,  Greenbury  L.  Fort ;  Ninth,  Thomas 
A.  Boyd;  Tenth,  Benjamin  F.  Marsh;  Eleventh,  James  W. 
Singleton;  Twelfth,  William  M.  Springer;  Thirteenth,  A. 
E.  Stevenson ;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon ;  Fifteenth,  A. 
P.  Forsythe;  Sixteenth,  William  A.  J.  Sparks;  Seventeenth, 
William  R.  Morrison;  Eighteenth,  John  R.  Thomas;  Nine- 
teenth, R.  W.  Townshend.  Messrs.  Singleton,  Springer, 
Stevenson,  Sparks,  Morrison  and  Townshend  were  Demo- 
crats, and  Forsythe  a  Greenbacker. 

The  legislature  convened  January  8,  1879.  The  contest 
for  the  Republican  nomination  for  speaker  was  unusually 
spirited,  as  it  was  involved  in  the  approaching  election  of  a 
United  States  senator.  The  candidates  were  Isaac  L.  Mor- 
rison, Colonel  William  A.  James,  Thomas  F.  Mitchell  and 
former  Speaker  James  Shaw.  Colonel  James  was  elected  on 
the  fifth  ballot.  James  Herrington  was  the  nominee  of  the 
Democrats. 

General  Oglesby's  term  as  United  States  senator  was 
about  to  expire  and  he  was  a  candidate  for  re-election.  His 
claim  was  contested  by  General  Logan,  who  had  been  de- 
feated at  the  expiration  of  his  own  term  by  Judge  Davis  two 
years  before.  The  contest  between  two  gallant  and  greatly 


134  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

beloved  volunteer  generals  was  an  unusual  situation;  but  it 
was  conducted  in  the  main  in  a  friendly  spirit.  General 
Logan  secured  80  votes  in  the  Republican  caucus  and  General 
Oglesby  26.  General  John  C.  Black  was  the  nominee  of  the 
Democratic  caucus.  The  election,  which  was  held  January 
21,  resulted  in  the  choice  of  General  Logan,  with  a  majority 
of  eight  on  joint  ballot  over  all  other  candidates. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

FAMOUS    GARFIELD    CAMPAIGN    OF    1880 FIGHT    OVER    THE 

UNIT     RULE     IN      STATE     CONVENTION CONTESTING 

DELEGATES  ADMITTED  AT  CHICAGO THE   ELECTIONS 

ESTRANGEMENT   BETWEEN   GRANT  AND   WASHBURNE 

CAMPAIGN  OF   1882 — CULLOM  ELECTED  SENATOR. 

THE  presidential  campaign  of  1880  has  never  been 
surpassed  in  certain  elements  of  popular  interest. 
There  were  no  such  vital  issues  as  were  involved  in 
the  elections  of  1860  and  1864.  The  interest  centered  rather 
in  the  personalities  of  the  several  Republican  candidates  before 
the  nominating  convention,  and  in  the  leaders  of  the  respective 
factions.  The  leading  candidates  were  General  Grant  and 
James  G.  Elaine. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  preceding  year  General  Grant 
returned  from  his  tour  around  the  world.  His  journey  from 
San  Francisco  to  Chicago  was  a  continuous  triumph,  surpass- 
ing those  of  Pompey  and  Caesar  when  they  entered  Rome  at 
the  head  of  their  conquering  legions.  The  demonstration  in 
Grant's  honor  in  Chicago  could  not  fail  to  strengthen  the 
sentiment  for  his  nomination  for  a  third  term.  His  candidacy 
was  promoted  by  a  famous  senatorial  triumvirate,  consisting 
of  Roscoe  Conkling,  of  New  York;  J.  Donald  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania;  and  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois. 

Meanwhile  James  G.  Elaine  was  still  the  idol  of  a  large 
element  in  his  party,  and  was  a  formidable  rival.  Mr. 
Elaine's  campaign  in  Illinois  was  committed  to  the  manage- 
ment of  General  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut,  Joseph  Medill,  of  the 

135 


136  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Chicago  Tribune,  and  Charles  B.  Farwell.  Other  candidates 
were  John  Sherman,  E.  B.  Washburne,  William  Windom 
and  George  F.  Edmunds. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield, 
May  19.  "The  political  cauldron,"  says  John  Moses,  "was 
at  white  heat."  General  Green  B.  Raum,  a  "third  termer," 
presided.  General  Logan  and  Emery  A.  Storrs  were  in  charge 
of  General  Grant's  interests,  and  were  determined  to  send 
a  solid  delegation  to  Chicago.  General  Hurlbut,  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  orators  Illinois  ever  produced,  led  in  the  fight 
for  Blaine,  and  was  ably  assisted  by  Kirk  Hawes,  Senator 
Hunt,  J.  W.  Robbins  and  others. 

The  struggle  began  over  the  contesting  delegations  from 
the  First,  Second  and  Third  districts,  in  Cook  county.  The 
Cook  county  convention  had  broken  up  in  a  row  and  two  sets 
of  delegates  were  chosen.  This  placed  the  first  three  districts 
in  a  contest  for  seats  in  the  state  convention,  and  left  the 
Grant  forces  from  other  parts  of  the  state  in  control  of  the 
organization. 

When  the  convention  opened  the  state  central  committee 
gave  seats  to  the  Grant  delegates  chosen  by  the  bolters  of  the 
Cook  county  convention,  and  this  action  was  ratified  by  the 
convention  by  a  vote  of  341  to  261. 

The  second  day  was  devoted  to  the  appointment  of  dele- 
gates to  the  national  convention.  It  had  been  the  custom  in 
former  conventions  for  the  delegates  from  the  congressional 
districts  to  assemble  in  separate  caucuses  and  nominate 
members  of  the  several  committees,  presidential  electors  and 
delegates  to  national  conventions  from  their  respective  dis- 
tricts. It  was  now  proposed  that  the  delegates  should  be 
selected  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  presiding  officer  of 
the  convention.  The  debate  continued  all  day  and  nearly  all 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  137 

night.  General  Logan,  A.  W.  Metcalf,  Richard  Rowett 
and  Isaac  Clements  made  speeches  in  favor  of  the  proposed 
change;  while  Charles  Thomas,  Kirk  Hawes  and  J.  M. 
Beardsley  opposed  it.  A  vote  was  reached  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  third  day,  and  was  in  favor  of  the  Grant 
men  by  389  to  304.  The  vote  instructing  the  delegates  to 
vote  as  a  unit  for  General  Grant  was  399  to  285. 

The  delegates  chosen  to  represent  the  state  at  the  national 
convention  were  as  follows:  For  the  state  at  large,  John  A. 
Logan,  Emery  A.  Storrs,  Green  B.  Raum,  D.  T.  Littler; 
by  the  committee  of  the  convention:  First  district,  John 
Wentworth,  Stephen  A.  Douglas;  Second,  A.  M.  Wright, 
Richard  S.  Tuthill ;  Third,  John  L.  Beveridge,  L.  J.  Kadish ; 
Fourth,  N.  C.  Thompson,  N.  N.  Ravlin ;  Fifth,  J.  B.  Brown, 
Miles  White;  Sixth,  Henry  T.  Noble,  W.  H.  Shepard; 
Seventh,  E.  F.  Bull,  E.  W.  Willard ;  Eighth,  J.  B.  Wilson, 
R.  J.  Hanna ;  Ninth,  Joel  Mershon,  William  Jackson ;  Tenth, 
Hosea  Davis,  F.  P.  Burgett;  Eleventh,  O.  B.  Hamilton, 
M.  D.  Massie;  Twelfth,  George  M.  Brinkerhoff,  C.  M. 
Eames ;  Thirteenth,  John  McNulta,  V.  Warren ;  Fourteenth, 
James  Heyworth,  J.  B.  Harris;  Fifteenth,  W.  H.  Barlow, 
A.  P.  Green;  Sixteenth,  J.  M.  Truitt,  Lewis  Krueghoff; 
Seventeenth,  A.  W.  Metcalf,  Richard  Rowett;  Eighteenth, 
C.  O.  Patier,  J.  M.  Davis;  Nineteenth,  C.  W.  Pavey,  W. 
H.  Williams. 

The  old  Fourth  district,  comprising  Kane,  DeKalb, 
McHenry,  Boone  and  Winnebago  counties,  was  divided. 
DeKalb,  McHenry  and  Boone  were  for  Elaine ;  Winnebago 
was  for  Grant;  Kane  was  divided,  with  a  majority  in  favor 
of  Elaine.  Hon.  C.  W.  Marsh,  of  DeKalb,  the  inventor  of 


138  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  Marsh  harvester,  was  one  of  the  contestants,  as  a  selected 
delegate  from  the  Fourth  district.  In  his  "Recollections," 
Mr.  Marsh  gives  his  version  of  the  proceedings.  When 
notices  were  posted  by  the  state  central  committee,  advising 
the  delegates  from  congressional  districts  of  the  places  and 
purposes  of  their  meetings,  the  delegates  discovered  the  selec- 
tion of  delegates  to  the  national  convention  had  been  omitted. 
Mr.  Marsh  tells  the  sequel  so  admirably  that  it  is  reproduced 
as  follows: 

"As  several  of  our  delegates  were  standing  before  the 
notice  and  discussing  the  omission,  Judge  Coon,  the  late  A.  B. 
Coon,  of  Marengo,  came  to  us.  I  asked  the  old  gentleman 
what  ought  we  to  do  in  this  case,  and  he  answered,  'Why, 
damn  'em,  they  don't  intend  to  let  us  select  our  own  delegates. 
The  thing  for  you  to  do  is  to  go  right  ahead,  nominate  your 
men,  as  you  have  always  done,  send  in  their  names,  and  then 
we  will  see  what  they  are  going  to  do  about  it.'  We  acted 
on  this  advice.  Two  delegates  to  the  national  convention  and 
their  alternates  were  duly  selected.  As  the  first  three  districts 
were  in  contest,  the  Fourth  was  the  first  on  call ;  it  was  there- 
fore the  first  to  report,  to  present  the  names  of  its  delegates 
with  those  selected  for  committees.  The  other  anti-Grant 
district  delegates  followed  suit;  some  having  selected  their 
men  as  we  had,  while  others,  seeing  the  point  of  our  action, 
immediately  withdrew  into  the  hall  or  lobby  and  there  hastily 
chose  their  delegates.  But  the  convention,  being  under  the 
control  of  the  Grant  majority,  refused  to  give  a  hearing  to 
such  part  of  our  reports  as  related  to  the  selection  of  delegates, 
and  through  a  committee  named  by  the  chair,  appointed  Grant 
men  to  represent  our  districts  in  the  national  convention. 
This  was  the  action  from  which  we  appealed  to  the  national 
convention." 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  139 

The  contesting  delegates  appointed  by  the  districts, 
ignored  by  the  state  convention,  but  finally  seated  at  Chicago, 
were:  First  district,  W.  J.  Campbell,  Eldridge  G.  Keith; 
Third,  Elliott  Anthony,  Washington  Hesing;  Fourth,  C.  W. 
Marsh,  Lot  B.  Smith;  Fifth,  Robert  E.  Logan,  W.  H.  Hoi- 
comb  ;  Sixth,  James  K.  Edsall,  John  P.  Hand ;  Ninth,  John 
A.  Gray,  W.  S.  Gale ;  Tenth,  Henry  Tebbs,  John  Fletcher ; 
Thirteenth,  E.  D.  Blinn,  F.  Low;  Seventeenth,  W.  E. 
Kieffner,  Emil  Guelsch. 

A  tilt  between  Chairman  Raum  and  General  Hurlbut  was 
one  of  the  spectacular  incidents  of  the  convention.  Hurlbut 
arose  to  address  the  chair,  but  the  latter  did  not  recognize  him. 
Hurlbut  was  a  typical  southerner,  who  never  shrank  from 
an  encounter,  and  sarcasm  was  a  weapon  which  he  used  with 
the  consummate  skill  of  Roscoe  Conkling.  Hurlbut  addressed 
the  chair  a  second  and  a  third  time,  but  still  received  no  recog- 
nition from  the  presiding  officer.  At  length  Hurlbut  walked 
with  great  dignity  down  the  aisle  of  the  convention  hall,  stood 
directly  in  front  of  the  chairman,  and  coolly  inquired :  "Will 
the  commissioner  of  internal  revenue  recognize  the  gentleman 
from  Boone?" 

Pandemonium  instantly  broke  loose  and  it  was  several 
minutes  before  order  could  be  restored. 

Nominations  for  state  officers  were  not  made  until  the 
third  day.  The  candidates  for  governor  were  Shelby  M. 
Cullom,  for  a  second  term,  General  John  B.  Hawley,  General 
John  I.  Rinaker,  Colonel  Greenbury  L.  Fort,  Colonel  Thomas 
S.  Ridgway,  Colonel  Clark  E.  Carr  and  General  John  C. 
Smith.  The  contest  was  spirited  throughout  and  resulted  in 
the  choice  of  Mr.  Cullom  on  the  fourth  ballot. 

John  M.  Hamilton,  of  McLean  county,  was  nominated 
for  lieutenant-governor  on  the  first  ballot ;  Henry  D.  Dement 


140  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

was  nominated  for  secretary  of  state  on  the  second  ballot ; 
Charles  P.  Swigert  for  auditor;  Edward  Rutz,  treasurer; 
James  McCartney,  attorney-general. 

The  presidential  electors  chosen  were :  George  Schneider, 
Ethelbert  Callahan,  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  John  M.  Smyth, 
James  A.  Kirk,  Christopher  M.  Brazee,  Robert  E.  Logan, 
Isaac  H.  Elliott,  James  Goodspeed,  Alfred  Sample,  Sabin  D. 
Puterbaugh,  Emery  C.  Humphrey,  William  A.  Grimshaw, 
James  C.  McQuigg,  Jonathan  H.  Rowell,  William  R.  Jewell, 
Jackson  M.  Sheets,  James  W.  Peterson,  Wilbur  T.  Norton, 
George  W.  Smith,  William  H.  Johnson. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  at  Springfield, 
June  10.  Lyman  Trumbull  was  nominated  for  governor  by 
acclamation ;  Lewis  B.  Parsons,  lieutenant-governor ;  John  H. 
Oberly,  secretary  of  state ;  Lewis  C.  Starkel,  auditor ;  Thomas 
Butterworth,  treasurer;  Lawrence  Harmon,  attorney-gen- 
eral. 

The  Greenback-Reform  party  nominated  the  following 
ticket:  Governor,  A.  J.  Streeter;  lieutenant-governor,  A.  M. 
Adair;  secretary  of  state,  J.  M.  Thompson;  auditor,  W.  T. 
Ingram;  treasurer,  J.  W.  Evans;  attorney-general,  H.  G. 
Whitlock. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  Wednes- 
day, June  2,  1880,  in  the  old  Inter-state  Exposition  building 
in  Chicago.  The  contest  was  fierce  from  the  start  and  Illinois 
was  the  storm  center.  There  were  contesting  delegations 
from  several  states,  but  the  one  in  Illinois  was  most  important, 
as  the  admission  of  the  contestants  would  impair  the  prestige 
of  General  Grant. 

The  committee  on  credentials,  with  Senator  Conger  as 
its  chairman,  reported  in  favor  of  admitting  the  Illinois  con- 
testants, with  the  exception  of  those  from  the  Second  district. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  141 

After  an  exhaustive  discussion,  which  continued  two  days, 
the  convention  adopted  the  report  on  Saturday. 

This  convention  settled,  for  all  time,  the  question  of 
future  representation  by  declaring  that  the  congressional  dis- 
trict shall  be  the  unit ;  in  other  words,  that  the  people  of  such 
district  shall  have  the  right  to  select  their  own  delegates. 
This  fatal  blow  at  the  "unit  rule"  was  affirmed  in  a  series  of 
rules  reported  from  the  committee  by  General  Garfield. 

The  platform  was  adopted  Saturday  and  candidates  were 
placed  in  nomination.  James  F.  Joy,  of  Michigan,  presented 
the  name  of  James  G.  Blaine;  Roscoe  Conkling  nominated 
General  Grant,  and  John  Sherman  was  nominated  by  General 
Garfield  in  the  most  brilliant  speech  made  during  the  con- 
vention. 

The  balloting  began  on  Monday,  the  fifth  day  of  the 
convention.  There  were  756  delegates.  On  the  first  ballot 
Grant  received  304  votes ;  Blaine,  284 ;  Sherman,  93 ;  with 
the  remainder  of  the  votes  divided  between  Washburne, 
Edmunds  and  Windom.  The  loyalty  of  the  "old  guard"  of 
306  delegates  to  General  Grant  throughout  the  convention 
is  a  rare  instance  of  personal  devotion.  Repeated  ballots 
showed  that  neither  Grant  nor  Blaine  could  be  nominated. 
On  Wednesday  Elaine's  delegates  went  over  to  Garfield,  and 
he  was  nominated  on  the  36th  ballot. 

Chester  A.  Arthur  was  nominated  for  vice-president  on 
the  first  ballot. 

At  the  national  Greenback  convention,  held  in  Chicago 
June  9,  General  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  was  nominated 
for  president  and  E.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for  vice-president. 

The  Democrats,  in  national  convention  in  Cincinnati, 
nominated  General  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  of  Pennsylvania, 


142  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

for  president,  on  the  second  ballot.  William  H.  English,  of 
Indiana,  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 

The  election  resulted  in  a  victory  for  the  Garfield  electors 
and  the  entire  state  Republican  ticket.  Garfield  electors 
received  317,879  votes  to  277,314  for  Hancock.  Cullom 
received  314,565  votes  for  governor;  Trumbull,  277,532. 
The  Republicans  also  carried  both  houses  of  the  legislature 
and  elected  thirteen  of  the  nineteen  congressmen.  Illinois 
was  represented  in  the  Forty-seventh  congress  as  follows: 
First  district,  William  Aldrich;  Second,  George  R.  Davis; 
Third,  Charles  B.  Farwell ;  Fourth,  John  C.  Sherwin ;  Fifth, 
R.  M.  A.  Hawk ;  Sixth,  T.  J.  Henderson ;  Seventh,  William 
Cullen;  Eighth,  Lewis  E.  Payson;  Ninth,  John  H.  Lewis; 
Tenth,  Benjamin  F.  Marsh ;  Eleventh,  James  W.  Singleton ; 
Twelfth,  William  M.  Springer;  Thirteenth,  Dietrich  C. 
Smith ;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon ;  Fifteenth,  Samuel 
W.  Moulton ;  Sixteenth,  William  A.  J.  Sparks ;  Seventeenth, 
William  R.  Morrison;  Eighteenth,  John  R.  Thomas;  Nine- 
teenth, R.  W.  Townshend.  Messrs.  Singleton,  Springer, 
Moulton,  Sparks,  Morrison  and  Townshend  were  Democrats. 

One  of  the  incidents  of  this  memorable  campaign  was  the 
estrangement  between  General  Grant  and  his  old  neighbor, 
E.  B.  Washburne.  The  writer  is  indebted  to  General  A.  L. 
Chetlain,  of  Galena,  as  he  gives  it  in  his  "Recollections." 
When  General  Grant  returned  from  his  tour  around  the 
world,  his  friends  who  were  managing  his  th'ird  term  campaign 
claimed  he  could  be  nominated  by  acclamation ;  and  the 
enthusiasm  which  attended  his  home-coming  from  abroad 
seemed  to  justify  this  belief.  General  Grant,  when  first 
consulted,  declared  he  would  not  consent  to  be  considered 
a  candidate ;  but  he  finally  modified  this  attitude  by  saying 
that  he  would  make  no  effort  to  secure  the  nomination,  and 


ULYSSES    S.    GRANT 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  143 

that  it  must  come  to  him  unsolicited  or  not  at  all.  Mr. 
Washburne,  General  Grant's  old  neighbor  at  Galena,  was 
then  residing  in  Chicago,  and  promptly  gave  his  support  to 
the  movement.  After  the  ovations  were  over,  and  the  anti- 
third  term  sentiment  began  to  develop  in  the  party,  Mr.  Wash- 
burne became  convinced  that  General. Grant  would  not  allow 
his  name  to  go  before  the  convention  if  there  was  to  be  a  con- 
test ;  and  he  foresaw  that  a  struggle  was  inevitable. 

General  Grant  took  his  family  to  his  home  at  Galena. 
Shortly  afterward  he  started  on  a  tour  through  the  southern 
states,  Cuba  and  Mexico.  It  had  been  arranged  that  Mr. 
Washburne  should  join  the  General  and  his  party  in  Cuba 
and  go  with  them  to  Mexico.  For  some  reason  which  General 
Chetlain  declared  he  never  understood,  Mr.  Washburne  did 
not  carry  out  his  agreement.  As  the  preliminary  campaign 
progressed  it  became  apparent  that  the  anti-third  term  senti- 
ment was  growing  rapidly,  and  especially  among  German 
Republicans.  An  appeal  was  made  to  Mr.  Washburne,  as 
General  Grant's  nearest  friend,  to  arrest  the  opposition  and 
to  secure  his  nomination.  The  suggestion  was  then  made  that 
should  General  Grant  refuse  to  allow  his  name  to  go  before 
the  convention,  that  Mr.  Washburne  himself  would  be  nomi- 
nated. Others  appealed  to  Mr.  Washburne  to  openly  avow 
himself  a  candidate.  To  all  these  overtures  Mr.  Washburne 
promptly  replied:  "I  am  a  Grant  man,  and  will  support  him 
for  president." 

In  March,  1880,  a  Republican  club  was  organized  at  Mt. 
Carroll,  called  the  Washburne  club,  for  the  purpose  of  advanc- 
ing the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Washburne.  He  addressed  a  letter 
to  the  president  of  the  club,  protesting  against  the  use  of  his 
name,  and  said  he  "was  a  Grant  man  and  not  a  candidate  for 
president." 


144  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

In  spite  of  these  protestations,  however,  Republicans 
throughout  the  state  distrusted  the  loyalty  of  Mr.  Washburne 
to  General  Grant.  General  Chetlain  says  he  urged  Mr. 
Washburne  to  dissuade  his  friends  from  openly  supporting 
him.  Mr.  Washburne  replied  that  he  had  done  everything 
possible  to  prevent  his  friends  from  so  doing.  General  Chet- 
lain further  admonished  him  and  said:  "Your  only  hope  is 
with  the  Grant  supporters.  If  anything  should  happen  to 
him  and  you  are  on  the  right  terms  with  his  adherents,  they 
would  undoubtedly  favor  you,  but  the  way  things  are  going 
on,  in  such  an  emergency  you  would  be  ground  to  powder." 
To  these  admonitions  Mr.  Washburne  briefly  replied:  "I 
have  done  all  I  can — more  I  can  not  do." 

As  the  spring  advanced  Mr.  Washburne  continued  to 
receive  letters  urging  him  to  cut  loose  from  General  Grant, 
and  openly  declare  himself  a  candidate.  But  he  still  insisted 
that  he  was  committed  to  Grant,  and  would  stand  by  his 
pledge.  During  all  this  time,  however,  Mr.  Washburne  was 
perplexed  over  the  situation. 

About  the  first  of  May  General  Grant  visited  Mr. 
Washburne  at  his  home  in  Chicago.  Their  former  friendly 
relations  seemed  unchanged.  General  Grant  was  on  his  way 
to  Springfield,  with  a  number  of  Republican  leaders,  to  hold 
a  conference.  Mr.  Washburne  joined  the  party.  He  was 
somewhat  indisposed,  although  his  ailment  was  more  mental 
than  physical.  At  Springfield  the  party  was  invited  to  dine 
with  Governor  Cullom.  The  company,  including  Mr.  Wash- 
burne, accepted  the  invitation.  During  the  dinner,  however, 
he  asked  to  be  excused  on  account  of  illness.  He  went  to  his 
hotel,  took  a  late  train  for  the  east,  and  stopped  at  the  home 
of  a  relative  at  Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  where  he  was  de- 
tained several  weeks  by  illness. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  145 

During  the  convention  General  Grant  was  at  his  home  in 
Galena.  He  was  kept  informed  of  the  proceedings  by  a 
private  telegraph  wire  in  the  office  of  his  old  staff  officer, 
General  Rowley. 

June  8,  at  11  o'clock,  a  dispatch  came  to  him  stating 
that  at  1  o'clock  he  would  be  nominated.  Instead,  however, 
at  the  appointed  hour,  General  Grant  received  word  that 
General  Garfield  had  been  nominated.  General  Grant  ex- 
hibited no  emotion.  He  arose  from  his  seat,  lighted  a  cigar 
and  remarked:  "Well,  I  am  glad  that  so  good  a  man  as 
Garfield  has  received  the  nomination."  He  then  went  home 
to  tell  the  news  to  his  wife. 

On  the  following  day  General  Grant  complained  to  Gen- 
eral Rowley  that  his  friends  had  not  fairly  treated  him. 
"They  assured  me,"  he  said,  "that  there  would  be  no  serious 
opposition  to  me  in  the  convention.  I  could  not  afford  to  go 
before  that  convention  and  be  defeated."  General  Grant 
keenly  felt  his  defeat.  He  did  not  fully  realize  the  strength 
of  the  opposition  to  a  third  term. 

Mr.  Washburne  received  only  a  small  vote  in  the  con- 
vention, although  he  was  the  second  choice  of  many  of  the 
Grant  delegates.  He  had  reached  Detroit  on  his  return  home 
when  General  Garfield  was  nominated.  The  feeling  of  the 
Grant  men  against  Mr.  Washburne  intensified  after  the  con- 
vention, and  General  Grant  shared  in  this  feeling.  Mr. 
Washburne  was  charged  with  perfidy,  and  in  the  excitement 
much  was  said  and  done  that  was  unjust  to  that  gentleman. 

General  Chetlain  believes  that  the  leaders  who  attempted 
to  make  General  Grant  president  a  third  term  did  so  to  head 
off  a  movement  to  nominate  Mr.  Washburne.  Senator 
Conkling  had  been  his  bitter  enemy  for  twenty  years ;  General 

Logan  feared  Mr.  Washburne's  influence  in  Illinois,  and 
11 


146  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Senator  Cameron  did  not  want  to  see  him  president.  In 
view  of  the  prestige  of  General  Grant,  which  had  been  aug- 
mented by  his  tour  abroad,  he  was  considered  the  most  avail- 
able candidate.  Although  Mr  Washburne  joined  heartily 
in  the  movement  to  make  his  old  friend  again  president,  it  is 
believed  that  by  the  middle  of  the  winter  he  became  convinced 
that  General  Grant  would  not  be  nominated,  and  held  to 
that  opinion  to  the  last.  It  has  been  asserted  that  Mr.  Wash- 
burne controlled  enough  votes  in  the  convention  to  have  nom- 
inated General  Grant,  had  he  so  desired.  This  statement  is 
not  true.  Mr.  Washburne  had  a  few  friends  among  the  anti- 
Grant  delegates,  but  these  were  not  under  his  control.  His 
strength  was  with  the  friends  of  the  general.  There  was  no 
combination  favoring  Mr.  Washburne  or  any  one  else  who 
was  opposed  to  General  Grant.  The  contest  was  not  between 
General  Grant  and  some  other  candidate,  but  between  General 
Grant  and  the  third  term  idea. 

The  estrangement  between  these  old  friends  was  complete. 
They  never  met  again  after  the  dinner  at  the  executive  mansion 
at  Springfield.  General  Grant,  in  completing  his  memoirs 
just  before  his  death,  almost  entirely  ignored  Mr.  Washburne. 
"The  breach  between  these  two  great  men  of  world- wide 
renown,"  says  General  Chetlain,  "was  the  saddest  that  had 
ever  occurred  in  the  history  of  the  nation." 

General  Chetlain  observes  that  General  Grant  ought 
never  to  have  consented  to  become  a  candidate  for  a  third 
term;  but  that  he  should  have  urged  his  friends  to  work  for 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Washburne. 

In  February,  1885,  General  Grant  was  so  ill  at  his  home 
in  New  York  City  that  his  physicians  believed  that  the  end 
was  near.  Mr.  Washburne  went  hurriedly  to  New  York 
and  returned  in  ten  days  greatly  depressed  in  spirits.  In 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  147 

conversation  with  a  friend,  he  said  with  some  hesitation,  that 
he  had  gone  to  New  York  in  the  hope  that  he  might  meet 
General  Grant,  and  that  a  reconciliation  might  be  effected. 
He  registered  at  one  of  the  leading  hotels  in  the  city,  and  the 
daily  newspapers  noticed  his  arrival.  When  asked  if  he  had 
made  any  effort  to  see  General  Grant,  Mr.  Washburne 
replied :  "No ;  the  general  knew  I  was  in  the  city,  and  if  he 
had  desired  to  see  me  he  could  easily  have  notified  me.  He 
was  the  greater  man,  and  it  was  for  him  to  extend  his  hand, 
which  I  would  have  taken  with  pleasure." 

General  Grant  distrusted  the  loyalty  of  Mr.  Washburne. 
In  this  he  erred  grievously.  Mr.  Washburne  may  have  felt 
the  quickened  flame  of  ambition  stir  his  manly  breast.  He 
would  scarcely  have  been  human  had  it  been  otherwise.  Sad, 
indeed,  that  Damon  could  not  have  loved  his  Pythias  to  the 
last !  How  are  the  mighty  fallen  in  the  midst  of  the  battle ! 
And  in  their  death  they  were  divided. 

The  Thirty-second  general  assembly  convened  January  5, 

1881.  There  were  32  Republicans,  18  Democrats  and  one 
Independent  in  the  senate;  and  82  Republicans  and  71  Dem- 
ocrats in  the  house.    The  senate  was  organized  by  the  election 
of  William  J.  Campbell,  of  Cook,  president  pro  tempore. 
Horace  H.  Thomas  was  nominated  in  the  Republican  caucus 
for  speaker  by  acclamation,  and  was  elected  over  Bradford 
K.  Durfee,  of  Macon  county.     Mr.  Thomas  was  the  first 
speaker  chosen   from   Chicago.      Governor   Cullom,   in   his 
biennial  address  delivered  January  7,  announced  that  "the 
last  dollar  of  the  state  debt  was  paid." 

The  legislature  failed  to  pass  the  apportionment  bills,  and 
it  was  convened  in  special  session  for  this  purpose  March  23, 

1882.  The  congressional  apportionment  act  of  April  29 


148  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

divided  the  state  into  twenty  districts.    The  senatorial  appor- 
tionment act  was  approved  May  6. 

James  A.  Garfield  was  inaugurated  president  March  4, 
1881.  Illinois  was  represented  in  his  cabinet  by  Robert  T. 
Lincoln  as  secretary  of  war.  Among  the  president's  early 
diplomatic  appointments  was  that  of  General  Hurlbut  as 
minister  to  Peru.  Hurlbut  died  at  Lima,  March  27,  1882. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  President  Garfield  wanted  to  honor 
Colonel  Ingersoll  with  a  diplomatic  appointment,  but  he 
feared  he  would  offend  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  country. 

The  Republican  state  convention  for  1882  was  held  at 
Springfield,  June  28.  General  John  C.  Smith  was  nominated 
for  state  treasurer  and  Charles  T.  Stratton  for  state 
superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

At  the  Democratic  state  convention,  held  September  7, 
Alfred  Orendorf  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and 
Henry  Raab  for  superintendent  of  instruction.  The  nominees 
of  the  Greenbackers  were :  Treasurer,  Daniel  McLaughlin  ; 
superintendent,  Frank  H.  Hall.  The  Prohibitionists  nom- 
inated John  G.  Irwin  for  treasurer  and  Elizabeth  B.  Brown 
for  superintendent. 

The  elections  resulted  in  a  divided  victory.  General 
Smith  was  elected  treasurer  by  a  plurality  of  6,137,  and  Raab 
led  for  superintendent  by  a  smaller  plurality.  The  Repub- 
licans, however,  secured  majorities  in  both  branches  of  the 
legislature  and  elected  twelve  of  the  twenty  members  of 
congress.  Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Forty-eighth  con- 
gress as  follows:  First  district,  R.  W.  Dunham;  Second, 
John  F.  Finerty;  Third,  George  R.  Davis;  Fourth,  George 
E.  Adams;  Fifth,  Reuben  Ellwood;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt; 
Seventh,  T.  J.  Henderson;  Eighth,  William  Cullen;  Ninth, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  149 

Lewis  E.  Payson;  Tenth,  N.  E.  Worthington;  Eleventh, 
William  H.  Neece ;  Twelfth,  James  M.  Riggs ;  Thirteenth, 
William  M.  Springer;  Fourteenth,  J.  H.  Rowell;  Fifteenth, 
Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Sixteenth,  Aaron  Shaw;  Seventeenth, 
Samuel  W.  Moulton;  Eighteenth,  William  R.  Morrison; 
Nineteenth,  R.  W.  Townshend ;  Twentieth,  John  R.  Thomas . 
Messrs.  Worthington,  Neece,  Riggs,  Springer,  Shaw,  Moul- 
ton, Morrison  and  Townshend  were  Democrats. 

The  legislature  convened  January  2,  1883.  There  were 
31  Republicans  and  20  Democrats  in  the  senate;  and  77 
Republicans  and  76  Democrats  in  the  house.  Loren  C.  Col- 
lins, Jr.,  was  elected  speaker  over  Austin  O.  Sexton. 

The  political  event  of  the  session  was  the  election  of  a 
United  States  senator  to  succeed  David  Davis.  The  Repub- 
lican candidates  were  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  Shelby  M.  Cullom, 
Green  B.  Raum  and  Thomas  J.  Henderson.  Cullom  was 
nominated  in  caucus  on  the  fifth  ballot,  and  he  was  elected 
over  John  M.  Palmer,  the  choice  of  the  Democrats.  The 
objection  was  raised  in  the  legislature  that  Mr.  Cullom  was 
not  eligible,  under  the  constitution,  to  election  while  serving 
as  governor.  Mr.  Cullom  entrusted  his  case  to  William 
J.  Calhoun,  who,  in  an  able  speech,  removed  the  constitutional 
objection,  and  Mr.  Cullom  received  every  Republican  vote 
except  that  of  George  E.  Adams,  a  senator  from  Cook. 

John  M.  Hamilton  succeeded  to  the  governorship.  He 
was  born  in  Union  county,  Ohio,  May  28,  1847.  He  was 
graduated  from  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  university  in  1868,  and  a 
few  years  later  he  occupied  a  chair  of  languages  in  the  Illinois 
Wesleyan  university  at  Bloomington.  In  1876  he  was  elected 
state  senator  from  McLean  county.  He  was  a  lawyer  of  high 
standing  and  the  youngest  man  who  ever  occupied  the  execu- 
tive chair  in  Illinois.  He  died  September  23,  1905. 


150  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Upon  the  accession  of  Mr.  Hamilton  to  the  governorship, 
William  J.  Campbell,  president  pro  tempore  of  the  senate, 
became  ex  officio  lieutenant-governor. 


CHAPTER  XV 

ELAINE  AND  LOGAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884 GOVERNOR  HAMIL- 
TON SAVES  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  TO  THE  REPUBLICANS 

GENERAL    LOGAN    RE-ELECTED   SENATOR — HIS   DEATH 

CHARLES  B.  FARWELL  SUCCEEDS  HIM. 

THE  political  campaign  opened  early  in  Illinois  in  1884. 
The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  in  Peoria, 
April  16.  Colonel  James  A.  Connolly  presided. 
Governor  Hamilton  had  an  honorable  ambition  to  be  elected 
to  the  office,  which  had  come  to  him  through  the  resignation  of 
Governor  Cullom;  but  he  withdrew  from  the  contest  when 
he  discovered  the  drift  in  the  convention  was  toward  another. 
Ex-Governor  Oglesby  was  nominated  by  acclamation.  Gen- 
eral John  C.  Smith  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor 
on  the  first  ballot.  Other  nominations  were:  Secretary  of 
state,  Henry  D.  Dement;  treasurer,  Jacob  Gross;  attorney- 
general,  George  Hunt;  auditor,  Charles  P.  Swigert. 

The  platform  emphasized  the  importance  of  state  issues, 
including  a  revision  of  the  criminal  code  and  greater  efficiency 
in  the  civil  service. 

The  convention  was  enthusiastic  in  its  support  of  General 
John  A.  Logan  for  president  and  sent  a  nearly  unanimous 
delegation  in  his  favor  to  Chicago  as  follows :  State  at  large, 
Shelby  M.  Cullom,  John  M.  Hamilton,  Burton  C.  Cook, 
Clark  E.  Carr;  First  district,  J.  L.  Woodward,  Abner  Tay- 
lor; Second,  W.  H.  Ruger,  C.  E.  Piper;  Third,  George  R. 
Davis,  J.  R.  Wheeler;  Fourth,  Samuel  B.  Raymond,  L.  C. 
Collins,  Jr.;  Fifth,  L.  M.  Kelley,  Charles  E.  Fuller;  Sixth, 

151 


152  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Norman  Lewis,  O.  C.  Towne;  Seventh,  I.  G.  Baldwin, 
H.  T.  Noble ;  Eighth,  R.  W.  Willet,  A.  J.  Bell ;  Ninth,  S.  T. 
Rogers,  Thomas  Vennum;  Tenth  W.  W.  Wright,  R.  H. 
Whiting;  Eleventh,  C.  V.  Chandler,  C.  A.  Ballard ;  Twelfth, 
A.  C.  Matthews,  William  W.  Berry ;  Thirteenth,  Dr.  Wil- 
liam Jayne,  D.  C.  Smith;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  W.  Fifer, 
George  K.  Ingham;  Fifteenth,  Charles  G.  Eckhart,  L.  S. 
Wilson;  Sixteenth,  Charles  Churchill,  Harrison  Black;  Sev- 
enteenth, John  I.  Rinaker,  J.  M.  Truett;  Eighteenth,  R.  A. 
Halbert,  H.  Reuter ;  Nineteenth,  Thomas  S.  Ridgway,  C.  T. 
Strattan ;  Twentieth,  T.  M.  Simpson,  W.  McAdams. 

The  presidential  electors  were  Andrew  Shuman,  Isaac 
Lesem,  George  Bass,  John  C.  Tegtmeyer,  John  M.  Smyth, 
James  A.  Sexton,  Albert  J.  Hopkins,  Conrad  J.  Fry,  William 
H.  Shepard,  Robert  A.  Childs,  David  McWilliams,  Rufus 
W.  Miles,  John  A.  Harvey,  Francis  M.  Davis,  J.  Otis 
Humphrey,  Edward  D.  Blinn,  William  O.  Wilson,  Rufus 
Cope,  John  H.  Dunscomb,  Cicero  J.  Lindly,  Jasper  Part- 
ridge, Matthew  J.  Inscore. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  met  at  Peoria,  July  2. 
Judge  Monroe  C.  Crawford  presided.  The  following  ticket 
was  nominated :  For  governor,  Carter  H.  Harrison ;  lieuten- 
ant-governor, Henry  Seiter;  secretary  of  state,  Michael  J. 
Dougherty;  treasurer,  Alfred  Orendorf;  auditor,  Walter  E. 
Carlin;  attorney-general,  Robert  L.  McKinlay. 

The  Prohibitionists  held  their  state  convention  at  Bloom- 
ington,  June  18,  and  nominated  the  following  ticket:  Govern- 
or, J.  B.  Hobbs ;  lieutenant-governor,  James  L.  Ferryman ;  sec- 
retary of  state,  C.  W.  Enos ;  treasurer,  Uriah  Copp ;  auditor, 
A.  B.  Irwin;  attorney-general,  Hale  Johnson. 

The  Greenback  party,  at  its  convention  held  in  July,  made 
these  nominations:  Governor,  Jesse  Harper;  lieutenant-gov- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  153 

ernor,  A.  C.  Vanderwater ;  secretary  of  state,  H.  E.  Baldwin; 
treasurer,  Benjamin  W.  Goodhue;  auditor,  E.  F.  Reeves; 
attorney-general,  John  N.  Gwin. 

The  national  Republican  convention  met  in  Chicago,  June 
3,  1884.  The  candidates  for  president  were  James  G.  Blaine, 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  George  F.  Edmunds,  John  A.  Logan  and 
John  Sherman.  General  Logan  was  placed  in  nomination  by 
Senator  Cullom.  Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  on  the  fourth 
ballot.  General  Logan  was  nominated  for  vice-president  by 
a  unanimous  vote. 

The  Democratic  party  met  in  national  convention  in 
Chicago,  June  10.  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York,  was 
nominated  for  president  on  the  second  ballot;  Thomas  A. 
Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 

The  Greenback  national  party,  at  its  convention  held  in 
Indianapolis,  May  28,  nominated  General  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler, of  Massachusetts,  for  president  and  General  A.  M.  West, 
of  Mississippi,  for  vice-president. 

The  Prohibitionists  held  the  last  convention  of  the  year 
in  Pittsburg,  July  23.  John  P.  St.  John,  of  Kansas,  was  nom- 
inated for  president  and  William  Daniel,  of  Maryland,  for 
vice-president. 

After  two  unsuccessful  attempts  Mr.  Blaine  seemed  about 
to  realize  the  ambition  of  his  life.  The  nomination  of  General 
Logan  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  was  regarded  as  an 
element  of  strength.  The  great  battleground  was  in  New 
York,  where  the  result  was  so  close  that  the  defeat  of  Mr. 
Blaine  might  be  attributed  to  any  one  of  several  causes:  to 
the  prominence  of  the  Prohibitionists,  to  the  disaffection  of 
Roscoe  Conkling;  or  to  Dr.  Burchard's  unfortunate  allitera- 
tion of  "Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion."  All  were  made 
scapegoats  and  were  never  forgiven  by  the  admirers  of  the 


154  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

"plumed  knight."  The  impartial  historian,  however,  must 
record  the  fact  that  enough  votes  were  stolen  in  New  York  to 
defeat  Mr.  Elaine,  on  the  face  of  the  returns,  and  give  the 
presidency  to  Grover  Cleveland. 

The  Elaine  electors  carried  Illinois  by  a  plurality  of  25,000 
in  round  numbers.  They  received  337,469  votes;  Cleveland 
electors,  312,351;  St.  John,  12,074;  Butler,  10,776. 

The  entire  state  ticket  was  elected  by  smaller  majorities. 
Oglesby  received  334,234  votes;  Harrison,  319,635.  The 
legislature  was  almost  evenly  divided  in  both  houses. 

The  returns  from  the  Sixth  district  of  Cook  county  showed 
that  Rudolph  Brand  had  received  6,696  votes  and  Henry  W. 
Leman  6,686.  The  state  board  of  canvassers,  however,  re- 
ported to  Governor  Hamilton  that  from  statements  and 
affidavits  presented  with  the  returns,  Leman  really  had  a 
plurality  of  390,  but  in  view  of  all  the  facts  the  board  declined 
to  certify  the  election  of  either  claimant. 

Governor  Hamilton  decided  that  he  had  a  right,  under  the 
circumstances,  of  going  back  of  the  original  returns.  He 
became  satisfied  that  Leman  had  received  a  majority  of  the 
votes  polled  and  issued  to  him  a  certificate  of  election.  Thus 
Governor  Hamilton  thwarted  a  scheme,  conceived  after  the 
election,  by  which  this  one  vote  would  have  secured  a  Dem- 
ocratic majority  in  the  legislature  and  the  election  of  a  Demo- 
cratic United  States  senator  to  succeed  General  Logan,  and 
probably  changed  the  complexion  of  the  United  States  senate. 
Thus  do  trifles  sometimes  change  the  current  of  history. 

The  action  of  Governor  Hamilton  in  converting  a  min- 
isterial act  into  a  judicial  inquiry,  was  criticized  in  some 
quarters  at  the  time,  but  it  was  finally  sustained  by  the  legis- 
lature, the  press  and  the  public. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  155 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Forty-ninth  congress  from 
1885  to  1887,  by  ten  Republicans  and  ten  Democrats,  as  fol- 
lows :  First  district,  R.  W.  Dunham ;  Second,  Frank  Lawler ; 
Third,  James  H.  Ward;  Fourth,  George  E.  Adams;  Fifth, 
Albert  J.  Hopkins;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt;  Seventh,  T.  J. 
Henderson ;  Eighth,  Ralph  Plumb ;  Ninth,  Lewis  E.  Payson ; 
Tenth,  N.  E.  Worthington;  Eleventh,  William  H.  Neece; 
Twelfth,  James  M.  Riggs ;  Thirteenth,  William  M.  Springer ; 
Fourteenth,  J.  H.  Rowell;  Fifteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon; 
Sixteenth,  Silas  Z.  Landes;  Seventeenth,  John  R.  Eden; 
Eighteenth,  William  R.  Morrison ;  Nineteenth,  R.  W.  Town- 
shend;  Twentieth,  John  R.  Thomas.  Messrs.  Dunham, 
Adams,  Hopkins,  Hitt,  Henderson,  Plumb,  Payson,  Rowell, 
Cannon  and  Thomas  were  Republicans. 

The  organization  of  the  senate  was  completed  January 
7,  1885,  by  the  election  of  William  J.  Canipbell,  president  for 
a  third  term.  The  senate  contained  26  Republicans,  24  Demo- 
crats and  one  Greenback-Democrat. 

The  house  was  not  so  easily  organized.  There  were  76 
Republicans,  76  Democrats,  with  E.  M  Haines,  independent, 
holding  the  balance  of  power.  Charles  E.  Fuller,  of  Boone, 
was  nominated  for  speaker  by  the  Republican  caucus ;  Edward 
L.  Cronkrite,  of  Stephenson,  was  the  Democratic  nominee. 
E.  M.  Haines  was  made  temporary  speaker.  A  permanent 
organization  was  not  effected  until  January  29,  when  the 
Democrats,  rinding  they  could  not  elect  Cronkrite,  voted  for 
Haines,  and  he  was  elected  speaker.  The  final  vote  stood, 
Haines,  78 ;  Fuller,  74 ;  and  one,  Haines,  for  Cronkrite. 

The  new  state  officials  were  inaugurated  January  30. 
"Uncle  Dick"  Oglesby  had  fulfilled  his  threat,  made  during 
the  campaign  that  he  would  "lam  Carter  Harrison  out  of  his 
boots,  so  help  me  God !"  For  a  third  time  he  took  the  oath  of 


156  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

office  as  governor  of  this  imperial  state.  This  distinction  has 
been  conferred  upon  no  other  public  servant.  The  honor  was 
the  more  conspicuous  because  a  period  of  twenty  years  had 
elapsed  between  his  first  and  third  elections.  It  is  given  to 
few  men  to  retain  this  pre-eminence  for  such  a  period. 

General  John  Corson  Smith,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was 
born  in  Philadelphia,  February  13,  1832.  He  became  a 
resident  of  Galena  and  from  there  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the 
Ninety-sixth  regiment.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  brevet- 
ted  a  brigadier-general.  His  civil  and  military  career  were 
alike  honorable. 

One  of  the  results  of  the  November  election  was  the  pro- 
longed and  dramatic  senatorial  deadlock  of  1885.  General 
Logan  was  about  to  complete  his  second  term  as  United 
States  senator,  and  had  been  nominated  by  the  Republican 
caucus.  The  Democratic  caucus  nominated  Colonel  William 
R.  Morrison.  The  organization  of  the  house  had  been  delayed 
so  that  the  first  ballot  was  not  taken  until  February  10,  and 
there  was  no  ballot  in  joint  assembly  until  February  18,  when 
Logan  received  101  votes;  Morrison  94;  Haines,  4;  3  scatter- 
ing. Thus  Logan  lacked  only  one  vote  of  election.  Ballots 
were  taken  February  19  and  20,  twith  practically  the  same 
result.  During  the  remainder  of  the  month  and  throughout 
March  and  April  there  was  not  a  time  when  both  parties 
voted  for  senator  on  the  same  ballot.  The  view  prevailed 
that  only  the  majority  of  a  quorum,  and  not  a  majority  of  all 
members  elected,  was  necessary  to  an  election.  Thus  there 
was  an  ever-present  fear  that  the  absence  of  a  member  would 
enable  the  enemy  to  elect  a  senator ;  and  one  side  and  then  the 
other  would  refrain  from  voting  in  order  to  break  the  quorum. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  no  senator  has  ever  been  elected 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  157 

without  the  votes  of  an  actual  majority  of  all  the  members 
being  present  and  voting. 

Three  members  of  the  legislature  died  during  the  session. 
Representative  Robert  E.  Logan,  Republican,  of  the  Nine- 
teenth district,  died  February  26.  Senator  Frank  M.  Bridges, 
Democrat,  of  the  Thirty-seventh  district,  died  March  20. 
Special  elections  were  held.  Representative  Logan  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a  Republican,  and  Senator  Bridges  by  a  Democrat. 
Thus  the  political  complexion  of  the  assembly  remained  un- 
changed. The  third  death  was  that  of  Representative  J. 
Henry  Shaw,  Democrat,  of  the  Thirty-fourth  district.  This 
district  was  a  Democratic  stronghold,  and  it  was  taken  for 
granted  that  Shaw's  successor  would  be  a  Democrat.  Shrewd 
Republican  leaders,  however,  proposed  a  "still  hunt"  in  the 
district.  A  special  election  was  called  for  May  6.  The 
Democrats  nominated  Arthur  Leeper.  The  Republicans  made 
no  nomination,  and,  to  all  appearances,  proposed  to  allow  the 
election  to  go  by  default.  A  meeting  of  Logan's  friends  was 
held  at  the  Leland  hotel  in  Springfield,  at  which  the  details 
of  the  proposed  strategy  were  completed.  Among  those  in  the 
secret  were  Daniel  Shepard,  secretary  of  the  state  central 
committee;  Charles  E.  Fuller,  a  member  of  the  house;  and 
Jacob  Wheeler,  then  United  States  marshal,  and  formerly 
of  the  Thirty-fourth  district. 

Hon.  J.  McCan  Davis,  clerk  of  the  Illinois  supreme  court, 
has  given  an  interesting  version  of  this  unique  strategy,  in  a 
paper  read  before  the  Illinois  State  Historical  Society  in  1909. 
A  single  paragraph  is  quoted :  "A  few  days  before  the  sena- 
torial election,  pursuant  to  the  plan  arranged  in  Springfield, 
trusted  emissaries  were  sent  through  the  Thirty-fourth  dis- 
trict, some  in  the  guise  of  stock-buyers,  others  as  insurance 
agents,  others  as  sewing  machine  agents — all  with  plausible 


158  Republican  •Party  in  Illinois 

excuses  for  being  in  the  neighborhood.  They  visited  Repub- 
licans whom  they  could  trust  with  the  secret,  and  left  with 
them  tickets  bearing  the  name  of  Captain  William  H.  Weaver, 
a  Republican  of  Menard  county.  Instructions  were  given  that 
the  Republicans  were  to  manifest  the  utmost  indifference  and 
were  to  remain  away  from  the  polls  until  3  o'clock  or  later  in 
the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  the  election.  Then  they  were  to 
go  quietly  to  the  polls  and  deposit  the  Weaver  tickets." 

The  Democrats  were  off  their  guard,  and  were  defeated 
by  this  sleight-of-hand  performance.  Weaver  was  elected  by 
a  majority  of  336  votes. 

May  14,  the  day  before  Weaver  was  to  be  sworn  in,  the 
Democrats  made  a  final  effort  to  avert  the  inevitable.  Every 
member  was  present,  and  Morrison  received  101  votes.  The 
Democrats  then  concentrated  their  strength  on  Judge  Lambert 
Tree,  but  without  success.  May  19  General  Logan  was 
elected  on  the  120th  ballot.  He  received  103  votes;  Lambert 
Tree,  96,  and  5  scattering. 

The  triumph  of  General  Logan  was  an  event  of  national 
significance,  as  Democratic  successes  in  other  states  had  made 
the  United  States  senate  dangerously  close.  Congratulations 
by  hundreds  were  sent  to  General  Logan  from  all  parts  of  the 
country.  He  had  been  the  hero  of  many  battles,  and  this 
victory  brought  him  to  the  pinnacle  of  his  fame. 

General  Logan  lived  to  serve  less  than  one-third  of  his 
last  senatorial  term.  He  died  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  Decem- 
ber 26,  1886.  Although  he  was  only  sixty  years  of  age,  his 
career  was  one  of  remarkable  achievement. 

John  Alexander  Logan  was  born  in  Browsville,  Jackson 
county,  Illinois,  February  9,  1826.  His  father  was  Doctor 
John  Logan,  after  whom  Logan  county  was  named.  The  son 
served  in  the  Mexican  war,  enlisting  in  1847  with  the  Fifth 


JOHN   A.   LOGAN 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  159 

Illinois  regiment.  He  was  county  clerk  and  prosecuting 
attorney  of  Jackson  county,  and  a  Buchanan  presidential  elec- 
tor in  1856.  Logan's  legislative  career  began  in  1852,  when 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  general  assembly,  and  re- 
elected  in  1856.  In  1858  he  was  elected  member  of  congress 
as  a  Douglas  Democrat,  and  re-elected  in  1860.  He  resigned 
his  seat  in  congress  early  in  1861,  raised  the  Thirty-first 
company  of  Illinois  volunteers  and  was  commissioned  its 
colonel  by  Governor  Yates.  His  military  career  was  brilliant 
and  he  became  a  major-general.  General  Logan  re-entered 
congress  in  1866,  from  the  state  at  large,  and  was  re-elected 
in  1868  and  1870.  He  was  elected  United  States  senator  in 
1871  and  re-elected  in  1879.  His  defeat  as  a  candidate  for 
the  presidential  nomination  in  1884,  and  his  failure  of  election 
to  the  vice-presidency  the  same  year,  did  not  impair  his  prestige. 
He  was  the  author  of  "The  Great  Conspiracy"  and  "The 
Volunteer  Soldier  of  America." 

General  Logan  was  the  greatest  union  general  of  the  civil 
war,  who  entered  the  service  as  a  volunteer.  His  career  in 
civil  life  was  equally  honorable.  As  chairman  of  the  senate 
committee  on  military  affairs  he  was  in  a  position  of  great 
power.  The  elements  of  his  success  are  easily  analyzed.  His 
physical  bravery  knew  no  fear;  his  intellectual  honesty  was 
above  suspicion;  his  moral  heroism  was  noble.  He  had  the 
imperial  will  that  characterized  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  the 
same  fearlessness  in  carrying  a  fight  to  a  finish.  A  contem- 
porary historian  has  said  that,  "without  the  logical  power  of 
Douglas,  the  legal  ability  of  Palmer,  the  eloquence  of  Yates, 
or  the  invective  of  Oglesby,  Logan  was  endowed  with  a  certain 
intellectual  dash  which  always  commanded  attention."  Logan 
was  the  idol  of  the  volunteer  soldiers,  and  it  was  through  his 
initiative  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 


160  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Republic,  that  May  30  has  been  consecrated  as  Memorial 
Day.  Hereafter  the  reading  of  General  Logan's  order  setting 
aside  this  date  will  be  made  a  part  of  Memorial  day  services. 
This  order  was  issued  this  year  by  Commander-in-chief 
Trimble. 

Illinois  has  duly  honored  the  memory  of  her  illustrious 
son.  In  1897  an  equestrian  statue  was  dedicated  on  the  lake 
front  in  Chicago.  The  Illinois  legislature,  in  1907,  set  apart 
a  room  in  the  state  house  for  the  preservation  of  the  mementoes 
collected  by  General  Logan  and  presented  to  the  state  by  his 
widow. 

General  Logan  was  a  statesman,  soldier,  patriot,  loyal 
friend,  and  in  his  latest  and  best  years  a  Christian  gentleman. 

The  political  events  of  1 886  do  not  call  for  extended  notice. 
The  Democrats  held  the  first  state  convention  of  the  year  at 
Springfield,  August  26.  Henry  Francis  J.  Ricker,  of  Adams 
county,  was  nominated  for  treasurer,  and  Franklin  T.  Oldt, 
of  Carroll,  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

The  Republican  convention  assembled  September  1,  and 
nominated  John  R.  Tanner,  of  Clay  county,  for  treasurer,  and 
Richard  Edwards,  of  Bureau  county,  for  superintendent. 

The  platform  opposed  the  ownership  of  land  by  non-resi- 
dent aliens,  endorsed  the  proposed  constitutional  amendment 
concerning  contract  labor,  and  approved  the  inter-state  com- 
merce law  proposed  by  Senator  Cullom. 

The  Greenback  party  nominated  John  Budlong,  of  Win- 
nebago,  for  treasurer,  and  Daniel  L.  Braucher  for  superinten- 
dent. The  nominees  of  the  Prohibitionists  were:  For  treas- 
urer, Henry  W.  Austin,  and  Ulrich  Z.  Gilmer  for  superin- 
tendent. 

The  Republicans  elected  their  state  ticket,  with  increased 
pluralities  over  1884.  The  vote  for  treasurer  was  as  follows: 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  161 

Tanner,  276,680;  Ricker,  240,864;  Budlong,  34,821 ;  Austin, 
19,766.  For  superintendent  of  public  instruction :  Edwards, 
276,710;  Oldt,  246,782;  Braucher,  34,701 ;  Gilmer,  19,402. 
The  Republicans  had  a  plurality  of  over  35,000,  but  were  in 
a  minority  of  more  than  18,000  in  the  state.  The  Republicans 
also  secured  control  of  both  branches  of  the  legislature  and 
elected  fourteen  of  the  twenty  congressmen.  Illinois  sent 
the  following  delegates  to  the  Fiftieth  congress:  First  dis- 
trict, R.  W.  Dunham;  Second,  Frank  Lawler;  Third,  Wil- 
liam E.  Mason;  Fourth,  George  E.  Adams;  Fifth,  A.  J. 
Hopkins ;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt ;  Seventh,  T.  J.  Henderson ; 
Eighth,  Ralph  Plumb;  Ninth,  Lewis  E.  Payson;  Tenth, 
Philip  Sidney  Post;  Eleventh,  William  G.  Gest;  Twelfth, 
G.  A.  Anderson;  Thirteenth,  William  M.  Springer;  Four- 
teenth, J.  H.  Rowell;  Fifteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Six- 
teenth, Silas  Z.  Landes;  Seventeenth,  Edward  Lane;  Eigh- 
teenth, Jehu  Baker ;  Nineteenth,  R.  W.  Townshend ;  Twen- 
tieth, John  R.  Thomas.  Messrs.  Lawler,  Anderson,  Springer, 
Landes,  Lane  and  Townshend  were  Democrats. 

The  Thirty-fifth  general  assembly  convened  January  5, 
1887.  The  senate  was  composed  of  32  Republicans,  17  Dem- 
ocrats, one  labor  member  and  one  Prohibitionist.  August  W. 
Bergren  was  chosen  president  pro  tempore.  He  was  a  native 
of  Sweden,  had  served  four  terms  as  sheriff  of  Knox  county, 
and  had  entered  upon  his  second  term  as  senator. 

There  were  78  Republicans  in  the  house,  66  Democrats, 
eight  labor  members  and  one  Prohibitionist,  James  Lamont, 
of  Winnebago  county.  The  candidates  for  speaker  were  Dr. 
William  F.  Calhoun,  Joseph  B.  Messick,  Charles  E.  Fuller 
and  David  T.  Littler.  Dr.  Calhoun  was  elected  after  several 

ballots. 
12 


162  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  political  event  of  the  session  was  the  election  of  a 
United  States  senator  to  succeed  General  Logan.  Charles 
B.  Farwell,  John  M.  Hamilton,  L.  E.  Payson,  J.  G.  Cannon, 
Thomas  J.  Henderson,  Clark  E.  Carr,  Green  B.  Raum  and 
H.  C.  Burchard  received  votes  in  the  Republican  caucus.  Mr. 
Farwell  was  nominated  on  the  second  ballot  and  was  elected 
January  18.  William  R.  Morrison  was  the  nominee  of  the 
Democrats. 

Mr.  Farwell  was  born  in  Steuben  county,  New  York,  July 
1,  1823.  With  his  father's  family  he  settled  in  Ogle  county, 
and  in  1844  he  removed  to  Chicago.  In  1864  he  became  a 
member  of  Farwell,  Field  &  Company,  which  was  later 
known  as  John  V.  Farwell  &  Company.  Mr.  Farwell  served 
six  years  in  congress.  He  was  also  given  a  certificate  of  elec- 
tion to  the  Forty-fourth  congress,  but  his  seat  was  contested 
by  John  V.  Le  Moyne,  to  whom  it  was  awarded.  Mr.  Far- 
well's  experience  in  large  business  affairs  made  him  a  valuable 
member  of  the  senate. 

February  22,  1887,  there  was  a  proceeding  in  the  general 
assembly  for  which  there  was  no  precedent.  It  was  a  joint 
memorial  service  in  honor  of  "our  deceased  distinguished 
citizens,  General  John  A.  Logan  and  Judge  David  Davis." 


CHAPTER  XVI 

HARRISON  CAMPAIGN  OF  1888 — CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  THE 

SENATE — REVERSES   OF    1890   AND    1892 ELECTION   OF 

CLEVELAND  AND  ALTGELD PALMER  CHOSEN  SENATOR. 

THE  Republicans  of  Illinois  and  the  nation  organized 
their  forces  early  in  1888  to  defeat  the  re-election  of 
Grover  Cleveland  to  the  presidency.    Mr.  Cleveland 
had  been  the  only  Democrat  elected  to  that  office  since  James 
Buchanan,  thirty-two  years  before. 

The  Republican  state  convention  met  at  Springfield,  May 
2.  There  were  seven  candidates  for  governor:  Joseph  W. 
Fifer,  John  McNulta,  Clark  E.  Carr,  James  A.  Connolly, 
John  I.  Rinaker,  John  C.  Smith  and  Francis  M.  Wright. 
Fifer  led  on  the  first  ballot,  and  was  nominated  on  the  fifth. 

Lyman  B.  Ray,  of  Grundy,  was  nominated  for  lieutenant- 
governor  on  the  second  ballot.  The  office  of  secretary  of  state 
was  sought  by  I.  N.  Pearson,  of  Macomb ;  Jasper  N.  Reece, 
of  Sangamon;  W.  F.  Calhoun,  of  Dewitt,  and  Thomas  C. 
McMillan,  of  Chicago.  Pearson  was  nominated  on  the  fifth 
ballot.  There  were  ten  candidates  for  auditor,  and  it  required 
six  ballots  to  award  the  honor  to  Charles  W.  Pavey.  George 
Hunt  was  renominated  for  attorney-general  by  acclamation, 
and  Charles  Becker  was  named  for  treasurer. 

The  platform  was  mainly  devoted  to  an  arraignment  of 
President  Cleveland's  administration.  General  Walter  Q. 
Gresham  was  endorsed  as  the  candidate  of  Illinois  for  the 
presidency. 

163 


164  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  at  Springfield, 
May  23.  John  M.  Palmer  was  nominated  for  governor; 
Andrew  J.  Bell,  lieutenant-governor;  N.  Douglas  Ricks, 
secretary  of  state;  Andrew  Welch,  auditor;  Charles  H. 
Wacker,  treasurer;  Jacob  R.  Creighton,  attorney-general. 
Although  General  Palmer  had  reached  the  age  of  three 
score  and  ten,  he  made  a  vigorous  canvass  and  secured  a  larger 
vote  than  Carter  Harrison  four  years  previous. 

The  Democrats  met  in  St.  Louis  June  6.  Grover  Cleve- 
land was  renominated  amid  great  enthusiasm,  and  Allen  G. 
Thurman,  of  Ohio,  was  named  for  vice-president.  The 
Republicans  met  in  national  convention  in  Chicago  June  20. 
The  principal  candidates  for  president  were  Benjamin 
Harrison,  John  Sherman,  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  Chauncey  M. 
Depew,  Russell  A.  Alger  and  William  B.  Allison.  Mr. 
Harrison  was  nominated  on  the  eighth  ballot.  Levi  P. 
Morton,  of  New  York,  was  named  for  vice-president. 

The  main  issue  of  the  campaign  was  the  tariff.  Up  to 
this  time  Grover  Cleveland  had  been  a  stranger  to  defeat  in 
his  political  ambitions.  This  fact  spurred  the  Republicans 
to  a  strenuous  fight.  The  result  was  so  decisive  that  the 
dangers  of  1876  and  1884  were  averted. 

General  Harrison  carried  Illinois  over  Cleveland,  al- 
though he  received  a  minority  of  all  the  votes  cast.  The  result 
was  as  follows:  Harrison,  370,473;  Cleveland,  348,378; 
Clinton  B.  Fisk,  Prohibitionist,  21,695  ;  A.  J.  Streeter,  Labor, 
7,090. 

For  governor,  Mr.  Fifer  fell  behind  the  national  ticket, 
and  General  Palmer  made  a  gain  of  about  seven  thousand 
votes.  The  official  figures  were:  Fifer,  367,860;  Palmer, 
355,313;  Harts,  Prohibitionist,  18,874;  Jones,  Labor,  6,394. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  165 

The  vote  for  the  other  Republican  state  officers  did  not  differ 
greatly  from  that  cast  for  Harrison  and  Morton. 

The  Republicans  obtained  control  of  both  branches  of  the 
legislature,  and  elected  thirteen  congressmen,  as  follows: 
First  district,  Abner  Taylor ;  Second,  Frank  Lawler ;  Third, 
William  E.  Mason ;  Fourth,  George  E.  Adams ;  Fifth,  A.  J. 
Hopkins;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt;  Seventh,  T.  J.  Henderson; 
Eighth,  Charles  A.  Hill;  Ninth,  Lewis  E.  Payson;  Tenth, 
Philip  Sidney  Post;  Eleventh,  William  H.  Gest;  Twelfth, 
Scott  Wike;  Thirteenth,  William  M.  Springer;  Fourteenth, 
J.  H.  Rowell;  Fifteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Sixteenth, 
George  W.  Fithian ;  Seventeenth,  Edward  Lane ;  Eighteenth, 
William  S.  Forman;  Nineteenth,  R.  W.  Townshend;  Twen- 
tieth, George  W.  Smith.  Messrs.  Lawler,  Wike,  Springer, 
Fithian,  Lane,  Forman  and  Townshend  were  Democrats. 
Townshend  died  in  office,  and  was  succeeded  by  James  R. 
Williams,  a  Democrat. 

The  Thirty-sixth  general  assembly  convened  January  7, 
1889.  There  were  35  Republicans,  15  Democrats  and  one 
labor  member  in  the  senate.  The  Republicans  thus  had  a 
greater  majority  in  this  chamber  than  ever  before.  The 
house  was  composed  of  80  Republicans,  72  Democrats  and 
one  labor  member.  These  figures  gave  the  party  a  larger 
majority  on  joint  ballot  than  at  any  session  since  1871. 

Theodore  Chapman,  of  Jersey  county,  was  elected  pres- 
ident pro  tempore  of  the  senate.  Colonel  Asa  C.  Matthews, 
of  Pike  county,  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Republican 
caucus  for  speaker,  and  he  was  elected  over  Clayton  E.  Crafts, 
of  Chicago,  the  Democratic  nominee. 

Colonel  Matthews  was  born  in  Pike  county,  Illinois,  and 
was  graduated  from  Illinois  college  in  1855.  He  enlisted  as 
a  private  in  the  99th  regiment  of  volunteer  infantry,  and  in 


166  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

1864  became  its  colonel.  In  1869  Colonel  Matthews  was 
appointed  collector  of  internal  revenue  for  his  district,  and 
retained  the  office  until  1875.  He  was  then  made  supervisor  of 
internal  revenue. 

Joseph  W.  Fifer  was  inaugurated  governor  of  Illinois 
January  14,  1889.  He  was  born  in  Stanton,  Augusta  county, 
Virginia,  October  28,  1840.  The  family  removed  to  McLean 
county,  Illinois,  in  1857.  The  son  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the 
Thirty-third  regiment,  and  he  has  ever  since  borne  the  name 
of  "Private  Joe."  He  was  severely  wounded  in  the  assault 
on  Jackson,  but  he  recovered  and  returned  to  his  regiment. 
After  the  war  Mr.  Fifer  graduated  from  Wesleyan  university 
at  Bloomington  in  1868,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  the 
following  year.  He  served  eight  years  as  state's  attorney  of 
McLean  county,  and  in  this  capacity  he  attained  a  high  repu- 
tation as  a  criminal  lawyer.  Mr.  Fifer  subsequently  entered 
the  state  senate,  where  he  remained  four  years.  He  was  an 
able  debater  and  an  efficient  and  faithful  executive. 

Lieutenant-Governor  Ray  was  born  in  Crittenden  county, 
Vermont,  August  17,  1831,  and  had  been  a  resident  of  Illinois 
since  1852.  In  1872  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  house, 
and  in  1882  he  was  elected  state  senator  and  served  four  years. 
He  was  an  able  and  popular  presiding  officer. 

Senator  Cullom's  first  term  expired  March  4,  1889.  The 
absolute  control  by  the  Republicans  in  both  houses  made  an 
election  of  a  successor  an  easy  matter.  Mr.  Cullom  was 
renominated  in  the  Republican  caucus  without  a  dissenting 
vote,  and  without  leaving  his  seat  in  the  senate  to  make  a 
canvass.  This  fact  had  no  precedent  in  the  history  of  the 
state.  Senator  Cullom  was  re-elected  January  22  over  Gen- 
eral Palmer,  the  Democratic  nominee.  Each  candidate  re- 
ceived the  full  vote  of  his  party. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  167 

Speaker  Matthews'  service  as  presiding  officer  of  the 
house  was  brief.  His  friends  urged  President  Harrison  to 
appoint  him  commissioner  of  internal  revenue.  The  president 
was  unable  to  make  this  appointment,  but  a  short  time  later 
he  named  Colonel  Matthews  for  first  comptroller  of  the 
treasury.  When  the  news  reached  Springfield  the  house  took 
a  recess  to  congratulate  Colonel  Matthews.  This  tribute 
came  from  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans. 

Colonel  Matthews  resigned  the  speakership  May  10,  and 
was  succeeded  by  James  H.  Miller,  of  Stark  county. 

One  of  the  important  acts  of  the  legislature  was  the  pas- 
sage of  a  bill  to  create  sanitary  districts.  The  law  was 
intended  primarily  for  the  benefit  of  Chicago,  and  it  was 
under  its  provisions  that  the  drainage  canal  was  constructed. 

A  special  session  of  the  general  assembly  was  called  by 
Governor  Fifer  to  convene  July  24,  1890,  to  enact  legislation 
made  necessary  by  the  selection  of  Chicago  as  the  site  of  the 
Columbian  exposition.  Four  days  before  the  legislature  as- 
sembled, speaker  Miller  died  at  Manitou  Springs,  Colorado. 
William  G.  Cochran,  of  Moultrie  county,  was  chosen  his 
successor. 

The  exposition  was  given  the  use  of  all  state  lands,  includ- 
ing parks,  in  and  adjacent  to  Chicago.  A  resolution  was 
adopted  providing  for  the  submission  of  a  constitutional 
amendment,  giving  the  city  of  Chicago  the  power  upon  con- 
sent of  her  voters,  to  issue  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $5,000,000. 
The  proceeds  from  the  sale  of  these  bonds  were  to  be  turned 
over  to  the  managers  of  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition. 
The  special  session  adjourned  August  1. 

The  Republican  party,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  through- 
out the  nation,  suffered  in  1890  one  of  the  periodical  reverses 
that  are  sure  to  come  under  representative  government.  The 


168  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

desire  for  a  change  will  assert  itself  now  and  then  with 
irresistible  force  in  individuals,  communities  and  states.  The 
wisdom  of  the  change  may  be  challenged,  but  the  fact  remains. 

The  campaign  was  opened  in  Illinois  by  the  Democrats, 
with  a  state  convention  held  at  Springfield,  June  3.  Edward 
S.  Wilson,  of  Richland  county,  was  nominated  for  treasurer, 
and  Henry  Raab,  of  St.  Clair,  was  named  for  superintendent 
of  public  instruction.  The  convention  made  an  innovation 
by  nominating  General  Palmer  for  United  States  senator. 
The  platform  contained  a  plank  which  favored  the  election 
of  senators  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

The  Republican  convention  was  held  at  Springfield,  June 
24.  General  John  M.  McNulta  was  chosen  permanent  pre- 
siding officer.  Franz  Amberg,  of  Chicago,  was  nominated 
for  treasurer  on  the  second  ballot.  Dr.  Richard  Edwards 
was  renominated  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction 
without  opposition 

The  platform  declared  for  the  Australian  ballot  system 
and  for  amending  the  compulsory  education  law  of  1889. 

The  Democratic  state  ticket  was  elected.  Wilson  had 
a  majority  of  9,847  over  Amberg  for  treasurer,  and  Raab  led 
Edwards  by  34,042.  The  Democrats  also  elected  a  majority 
of  the  members  of  the  house.  The  Republicans,  however, 
retained  control  of  the  senate. 

The  greatest  change  was  in  the  complexion  of  the  con- 
gressional delegation.  The  Democrats  elected  thirteen  con- 
gressmen ;  Republicans,  six ;  while  Lewis  Steward  represented 
the  Farmers'  Mutual  Benevolent  Alliance. 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-second  congress  as 
follows:  First  district,  Abner  Taylor;  Second,  L.  E.  Me 
Gann;  Third,  A.  C.  Durborow,  Jr.;  Fourth,  Walter  C. 
Newberry;  Fifth,  Albert  J.  Hopkins;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt; 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  169 

Seventh,  Thomas  J.  Henderson;  Eighth,  Lewis  Steward; 
Ninth,  Herman  W.  Snow;  Tenth,  Philip  Sidney  Post; 
Eleventh,  Ben  T.  Cable ;  Twelfth,  Scott  Wike ;  Thirteenth, 
William  M.  Springer;  Fourteenth,  Owen  Scott;  Fifteenth, 
Samuel  T.  Busey;  Sixteenth,  George  W.  Fithian;  Seven- 
teenth, Edward  Lane ;  Eighteenth,  William  S.  Forman ; 
Nineteenth,  James  R.  Williams;  Twentieth,  George  W. 
Smith.  Messrs.  Taylor,  Hopkins,  Hitt,  Henderson,  Post 
and  Smith  were  Republicans.  Steward  was  elected  by  the 
Farmers'  Alliance.  Mr.  Cannon  was  defeated  for  the  first 
time  since  he  entered  congress  in  1872. 

The  defeat  of  the  Republican  party  may  be  attributed  to 
the  fact  that  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  had  become  a  law  only 
a  few  weeks  before  the  election,  and  thus  the  country  was  not 
prepared  to  pass  judgment  upon  its  merits.  Another  factor 
contributed  to  the  result  in  Illinois.  The  disparity  between 
the  majorities  for  Wilson  for  treasurer  and  Raab  for  superin- 
tendent shows  the  opposition  to  the  school  law  was  the  greatest 
cause  of  Republican  defection. 

The  Thirty-seventh  general  assembly  convened  January 
7,  1891.  There  were  27  Republicans  and  24  Democrats  in 
the  senate,  which  was  organized  by  the  election  of  Milton  W. 
Matthews,  of  Champaign,  as  president  pro  tempore. 

The  house  was  composed  of  77  Democrats,  73  Republicans 
and  three  members  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance.  Clayton  E. 
Crafts  was  elected  speaker  over  David  Hunter,  of  Winnebago, 
the  Republican  nominee.  Dr.  Hosea  H.  Moore,  of  Wayne 
county,  received  the  vote  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance. 

Mr.  FarwelFs  term  as  United  States  senator  expired 
March  4,  1891.  The  Democrats  lacked  two  of  a  majority  on 
joint  ballot  in  the  general  assembly,  with  the  members  of  the 
Farmers'  Alliance  holding  the  balance  of  power.  These  facts 


1 70  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

resulted  in  another  prolonged  senatorial  deadlock.  General 
Palmer  was  the  Democratic  nominee,  by  virtue  of  his  endorse- 
ment at  the  preceding  state  convention.  General  Oglesby 
was  nominated  at  the  Republican  caucus.  A.  J.  Streeter  was 
the  candidate  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance. 

On  the  first  ballot  every  member  of  both  houses  was 
present  and  voted,  but  there  was  no  election.  The  struggle 
continued  until  March  11,  when  General  Palmer  was  chosen 
on  the  154th  ballot.  He  received  103  votes,  the  exact  number 
required  to  elect  him.  Two  of  these  were  cast  by  Moore  and 
Cockrell,  members  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance. 

The  campaign  of  1892  resulted  far  more  disastrously  to 
the  Republicans  than  did  the  off-year  election  two  years 
previous. 

The  first  state  convention  of  the  year  was  held  by  the 
Democrats  at  Springfield,  April  27,  and  resulted  in  the  nom- 
ination of  the  following  ticket :  Governor,  John  P.  Altgeld ; 
lieutenant-governor,  Joseph  B.  Gill;  secretary  of  state,  Wil- 
liam H.  Hinrichsen;  treasurer,  Rufus  N.  Ramsey;  auditor, 
David  Gore;  attorney-general,  Maurice  T.  Moloney;  con- 
gressmen-at-large,  John  C.  Black  and  Andrew  J.  Hunter. 
Under  the  act  of  congress,  based  on  the  census  of  1890, 
Illinois  was  entitled  to  twenty-two  congressmen.  The  legis- 
lature, however,  had  not  made  a  new  apportionment,  and  the 
two  additional  congressmen  were  chosen  from  the  state  at 
large. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield 
in  May.  Congressman  A.  J.  Hopkins  presided.  Joseph  W. 
Fifer  was  chosen  for  governor;  Lyman  B.  Ray  for  lieutenant- 
governor;  Isaac  N.  Pierson,  secretary  of  state;  Charles  W. 
Pavey,  auditor.  All  these  were  renominations.  George  W. 
Prince  was  named  for  attorney-general;  Henry  L.  Hertz, 


JOHN    M.    PALMER 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  171 

treasurer;  George  S.  Willits  and  Richard  Yates,  congressmen- 
at-large. 

A  state  convention  of  the  People's  party  was  held  at 
Danville,  May  19.  Its  ticket  was  as  follows:  For  governor, 
Nathan  M.  Barrett ;  lieutenant-governor,  Charles  G.  Dixon ; 
secretary  of  state,  Frederick  G.  Blood;  treasurer,  John  Me 
Elroy;  auditor  S.  C.  Hill;  attorney-general,  Jesse  Cox;  con- 
gressmen-at-large,  Jesse  Harper  and  Michael  McDonough. 
At  the  national  convention  of  this  party,  James  B.  Weaver, 
of  Iowa,  was  nominated  for  president,  and  James  G.  Field, 
of  Virginia,  for  vice-president. 

The  Prohibitionists  nominated  Robert  R.  Link  for  gov- 
ernor ;  James  Lament,  lieutenant-governor ;  John  T.  Killam, 
secretary  of  state;  Thomas  S.  Marshall,  treasurer;  Samuel 
D.  Noe,  auditor;  Alonzo  P.  Wright,  attorney-general;  con- 
gressmen-at-large,  Francis  Andrews  and  James  S.  Felter.  The 
Prohibitionists  in  national  convention  nominated  John  Bid- 
well,  of  California,  for  president,  and  James  B.  Cranfield,  of 
Texas,  for  vice-president. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  in  Minne- 
apolis June  7.  Governor  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  pre- 
sided. President  Benjamin  Harrison  was  renominated  on  the 
first  ballot.  The  vote  was  as  follows :  Harrison,  535 ;  Me 
Kinley,  182;  Elaine,  181;  Thomas  B.  Reed,  4;  Robert  T. 
Lincoln,  1.  Whitelaw  Reid,  of  New  York,  was  nominated 
for  vice-president.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  note  that  fate  closed 
the  door  of  the  White  House  against  the  greatest  three  par- 
liamentary leaders  in  American  history :  Henry  Clay,  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  and  James  G.  Blaine ;  as  well  as  against  two 
other  of  the  greatest  statesmen,  Daniel  Webster  and  William 
H.  Seward. 


172  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Democratic  national  convention  assembled  in  Chi- 
cago, June  21.  Grover  Cleveland  was  nominated  for  a  third 
time  on  the  first  ballot.  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  was 
nominated  for  vice-president.  The  election  of  Mr.  Stevenson 
gave  Illinois  its  first  vice-president.  He  had  served  four  years 
in  congress  and  was  first  assistant  postmaster-general  from 
1885  to  1889,  by  appointment  of  President  Cleveland. 

The  campaign  was  fought  entirely  on  the  tariff  issue,  and 
resulted  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland. 

The  result  in  Illinois  was  a  victory  for  the  Democratic 
national,  state  and  legislative  tickets.  Eleven  Republicans 
and  eleven  Democrats  were  elected  members  of  congress. 
It  was  the  first  time  since  1856  that  Illinois  had  given  its 
electoral  vote  for  a  Democratic  president,  and  not  since  1852 
had  the  state  chosen  a  governor  from  that  party.  The  Har- 
rison electors  received  399,288  votes,  and  the  Cleveland 
electors  426,281,  a  plurality  of  26,993. 

John  P.  Altgeld  was  elected  governor  by  425,558  votes, 
over  Fifer,  who  received  402,676  votes.  Altgeld's  plurality 
was  22,882. 

Illinois  sent  the  following  delegation  to  the  Fifty-third 
congress :  For  the  state  at  large,  John  C.  Black  and  Andrew 
Hunter;  First  district,  J.  F.  Aldrich;  Second,  Lawrence  E. 
McGann ;  Third,  A.  C.  Durborow ;  Fourth,  Julius  Goldzier ; 
Fifth,  Albert  J.  Hopkins;  Sixth,  Robert  R.  Hitt;  Seventh, 
T.  J.  Henderson ;  Eighth,  Robert  A.  Childs ;  Ninth,  Hamilton 
K.  Wheeler;  Tenth,  Philip  Sidney  Post;  Eleventh,  Benjamin 
F.  Marsh ;  Twelfth,  John  J.  McDannold ;  Thirteenth,  W. 
M.  Springer;  Fourteenth,  B.  F.  Funk;  Fifteenth,  Joseph  G. 
Cannon;  Sixteenth  G.  W.  Fithian;  Seventeenth,  Edward 
Lane;  Eighteenth,  William  S.  Forman;  Nineteenth,  James  R. 
Williams;  Twentieth,  George  W.  Smith.  A  feature  of  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  173 

election  was  the  return  of  Joseph  G.  Cannon  from  the  Fif- 
teenth district.  His  Republican  colleagues  were  Aldrich, 
Hopkins,  Hitt,  Henderson,  Childs,  Wheeler,  Post,  Marsh, 
Funk  and  Smith. 

The  factor  which  most  greatly  affected  the  general  result 
in  Illinois  was  the  defection  of  many  German  Republicans 
in  Chicago  by  reason  of  the  compulsory  school  law. 

The  Thirty-eighth  general  assembly  began  its  sessions 
January  4,  1893.  The  senate  was  composed  of  29  Dem- 
ocrats and  22  Republicans.  The  house  was  composed  of  78 
Democrats  and  75  Republicans.  Clayton  E.  Crafts  was 
chosen  speaker  a  second  time  over  Edgar  C.  Hawley,  of  Kane 
county.  The  political  events  of  the  session  were  the  congres- 
sional apportionment  act  of  June  9,  by  which  the  state  was 
divided  into  twenty-two  districts,  and  the  senatorial  appor- 
tionment of  June  15. 

John  P.  Altgeld  and  the  other  state  officers  were  inaugur- 
ated January  10.  Governor  Altgeld  was  born  at  Selters, 
Germany,  December  1,  1847,  and  was  the  first  governor  of 
Illinois  of  foreign  birth.  He  came  to  America  when  quite 
young  and  first  resided  in  Ohio.  He  entered  the  union  army 
at  sixteen  years  of  age  and  after  the  war  removed  to  Savannah, 
Missouri.  In  1875  he  settled  in  Chicago  and  became  one  of 
the  judges  of  the  superior  court  of  Cook  county. 

The  notable  features  of  Governor  Altgeld 's  administration 
were  his  pardon  of  the  condemned  Chicago  anarchists  and  his 
protest  against  President  Cleveland's  action  in  sending  troops 
to  Chicago  during  the  railroad  strike  of  1894.  The  course 
of  the  president,  however,  was  vital  to  the  supremacy  of 
federal  law  over  interstate  commerce,  and  was  approved  by 
his  countrymen.  Governor  Altgeld's  sincerity  may  not  be 


174  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

questioned,  but  any  extreme  assertion  of  state's  rights  has 
always  been  repudiated  by  the  people  of  Illinois. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

REVOLUTION    OF     1894 MCKINLEY    CAMPAIGN    OF     1896 

ILLINOIS  A  PIVOTAL  STATE TANNER  ELECTED  GOVERN- 
OR  CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  THE  SENATE WILLIAM  E. 

MASON  ELECTED  SENATOR — LYMAN  J.  GAGE  IN  MCKIN- 
LEY'S  CABINET. 


HE  absolute  supremacy  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
Illinois  was  of  short  duration.    From  1892  to  1894 


T 

"^  there  occurred  throughout  the  state  and  nation  the 
greatest  revolution  in  political  sentiment  ever  known  in  the 
history  of  popular  elections.  Historians  have  not  been  able  to 
fully  explain  this  sudden  revulsion.  Two  factors,  however, 
may  be  briefly  noted.  The  second  inauguration  of  Mr. 
Cleveland  was  followed  by  the  severe  financial  stringency  of 
1893,  which  continued  until  1897.  The  Wilson  bill,  a 
Democratic  tariff  for  revenue  measure,  became  a  law  in  the 
summer  of  1894,  only  about  two  months  before  the  general 
elections.  President  Cleveland  not  only  refused  to  give  his 
signature  to  the  bill,  but  he  severely  criticized  the  temporizing 
policy  by  which  the  leaders  in  the  house  yielded  to  the  senate 
in  all  its  contentions.  The  president's  famous  expression, 
"party  perfidy  and  party  dishonor,"  was  not  without  its  moral 
effect.  Whatever  the  cause  or  causes,  there  was  no  mistaking 
the  fact  that  the  country  had  quickly  revolted  against  Demo- 
cratic rule. 

The  campaign  in  Illinois  opened  in  1894  with  the  Demo- 
crats on  the  defensive.  They  held  their  convention  in  Spring- 
field in  June.  Bernard  J.  Claggett  was  nominated  for  state 

175 


176  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

treasurer,  and  Henry  Raab  for  superintendent  of  public  in- 
struction. Franklin  MacVeagh  was  endorsed  as  a  candidate 
for  United  States  senator. 

The  Republicans  held  their  state  convention  at  Springfield, 
July  25.  Henry  Wulff  was  named  for  treasurer,  and  Samuel 
M.  Inglis  for  superintendent. 

The  People's  party  named  John  F.  Randolph  for  treasurer, 
and  Lavina  E.  Roberts  for  superintendent.  The  Prohibition 
candidates,  named  by  petition,  were:  For  treasurer,  Howell 
J.  Puterbaugh ;  for  superintendent,  N.  T.  Edwards. 

The  principal  issue  of  the  campaign  was  the  tariff,  as  it 
had  been  in  1892.  The  People's  party  devoted  much  attention 
to  the  silver  question  and  the  government  ownership  of  rail- 
roads. 

Henry  Wulff,  the  Republican  candidate  for  treasurer,  had 
a  plurality  of  133,427  votes  over  Claggett;  while  Inglis  had  a 
plurality  of  123,592  over  Raab.  In  spite  of  the  Democratic 
apportionment,  the  Republicans  regained  control  of  both 
branches  of  the  legislature,  and  elected  the  entire  delegation 
to  congress,  except  the  members  from  the  Third  and  Sixteenth 
districts.  Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-fourth  congress 
as  follows :  First  district,  J.  Frank  Aldrich ;  Second,  William 
Lorimer ;  Third,  Lawrence  E.  McGann ;  Fourth,  Charles  W. 
Woodman;  Fifth,  George  E.  White;  Sixth,  Edward  D. 
Cooke ;  Seventh,  George  E.  Foss ;  Eighth,  Albert  J.  Hopkins ; 
Ninth,  Robert  R.  Hitt;  Tenth,  Philip  Sidney  Post;  Eleventh, 
Walter  Reeves;  Twelfth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Thirteenth, 
Vespasian  Warner;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff;  Fifteenth, 
Benjamin  F.  Marsh;  Sixteenth,  Finis  E.  Downing;  Seven- 
teenth, James  A.  Connolly ;  Eighteenth,  Frederick  Remann ; 
Nineteenth,  Benson  Wood ;  Twentieth,  Orlando  Burrell ; 
Twenty-first,  Everet  J.  Murphy ;  Twenty-second,  George  W. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  177 

Smith.  McGann  and  Downing  were  Democrats.  McGann's 
seat  was  contested  and  given  to  Hugh  R.  Belknap,  a  Repub- 
lican. Philip  Sidney  Post  died  in  office  and  was  succeeded  by 
George  W.  Prince.  Downing's  seat  was  contested  and  given 
to  John  I.  Rinaker.  Thus  before  the  congress  expired,  Illinois 
had  a  solid  Republican  delegation.  Remann  died  July  14, 
1895,  and  was  succeeded  by  W.  F.  L.  Hadley. 

Mr.  Cullom's  second  term  as  United  States  senator  was 
about  to  expire,  and  he  was  a  candidate  for  re-election. 
Having  been  repeatedly  honored  by  the  Republicans  of  the 
state,  he  felt  in  honor  bound  to  make  an  active  canvass,  al- 
though he  had  very  little  hope  of  personal  success.  When  it 
became  known  that  a  Republican  legislature  had  been  re- 
elected,  opposition  to  Mr.  Cullom  developed  within  his  own 
party.  George  E.  Adams  and  George  R.  Davis  were  aspirants, 
but  only  twenty-one  votes  were  cast  against  Cullom  in  the 
Republican  caucus.  Mr.  Cullom's  campaign  was  managed  by 
John  R.  Tanner,  who  was  then  chairman  of  the  state  central 
committee.  Joseph  Medill,  of  the  Chicago  Tribune,  aspired 
to  a  seat  in  the  senate.  He  advised  with  Mr.  Tanner  and 
asked  him  if  he  thought  he  could  be  elected  if  he  could  secure 
the  solid  support  of  the  Cook  county  delegation.  Tanner 
replied  that  Cullom  could  not  be  beaten;  whereupon  Medill 
gave  up  the  fight.  Franklin  MacVeagh,  whom  Cullom  de- 
feated, is  now  secretary  of  the  treasury  in  the  cabinet  of  a 
Republican  president. 

The  Republican  party  had  made  a  good  beginning  in  1894 
in  wresting  the  legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the 
government  from  the  control  of  its  foes.  It  required  only 
another  two  years  for  the  American  people  to  re-learn  the 
lesson  that  all  the  prosperity  they  had  enjoyed  had  come  under 

the  reign  of  the  protective  principle;  and  that  all  the  hard 
13 


178  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

times  suffered  by  them  during  the  same  period  had  been  pre- 
ceded either  by  a  heavy  reduction  of  duties  on  imports,  or  by 
insufficient  protection.  Thus  the  campaign  of  1896  was  a 
notable  turning  point  in  the  political  history  of  the  nation. 

The  rank  and  file  of  the  Republican  party  instinctively 
looked  to  William  McKinley  as  the  most  available  candidate 
for  president.  Influential  party  leaders  in  the  east,  however, 
were  determined  to  accomplish  his  defeat,  and  nominate 
Speaker  Thomas  B.  Reed.  Their  policy  was  to  have  several 
states  send  delegations  instructed  for  their  "favorite  sons," 
and  thus  make  a  break  in  the  McKinley  phalanx. 

Illinois  was  regarded  as  the  pivotal  state.  Leaders  believed 
that  upon  its  action  depended  the  fate  of  McKinley.  The 
people  were  for  him,  while  a  majority  of  the  old  party  leaders 
wanted  a  state  delegation  instructed  for  Cullom.  The  sen- 
ator entered  the  presidential  race  in  good  faith,  while  Senator 
Allison  was  the  "favorite  son"  of  Iowa.  Mr.  Cullom  believed 
at  the  time  that  if  he  could  have  received  the  support  of  Illinois, 
as  Allison  had  been  supported  by  Iowa,  that  the  McKinley 
boom  would  have  collapsed,  and  that  either  Cullom  or  Allison 
would  have  been  nominated.  After  the  smoke  of  battle  had 
cleared  away,  Senator  Cullom  saw  that  he  had  been  used  in 
the  interest  of  Reed ;  but  he  drew  some  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  no  combination  could  have  defeated  McKinley. 

Mark  Hanna  may  be  called  the  "original  McKinley  man," 
so  far  as  the  work  of  organization  is  concerned.  He  began 
his  work  in  Illinois  a  year  before  the  national  convention. 
There  was  a  group  of  rising  party  leaders  who  were  loyal  to 
McKinley,  because  they  believed  he  was  the  choice  of  the 
people.  Mr.  Hanna  co-operated  with  these  workers.  Charles 
E.  Dawes  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  McKinley  cam- 
paign in  Illinois.  Mr.  Dawes  became  comptroller  of  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  179 

currency,  and  is  now  president  of  the  Central  Trust  bank  in 
Chicago.  Among  Mr.  Dawes'  associates  were  W.  J.  Calhoun, 
now  minister  to  China ;  Howard  O.  Hilton,  at  present  post- 
master of  Rockford ;  William  L.  Diston,  then  of  Quincy,  now 
surveyor-general  of  Alaska;  Charles  Page  Bryan,  now  in  the 
diplomatic  service,  and  Charles  W.  Raymond.  This  was  the 
situation  when  the  campaign  opened  early  in  the  spring. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Spring- 
field, April  29.  State  Senator  Orville  F.  Berry  was  the  per- 
manent presiding  officer.  John  R.  Tanner,  of  Clay  county, 
then  temporarily  residing  in  Chicago,  was  nominated  for 
governor  on  the  first  ballot.  He  received  1,081  votes  to  185 
cast  for  Congressman  A.  J.  Hopkins,  of  Kane,  and  69  for 
Dr.  John  W.  Robbins,  of  Adams. 

William  A.  Northcott,  of  Bond  county,  was  nominated 
for  lieutenant-governor  on  the  second  ballot.  Other  nomina- 
tions were:  James  A.  Rose,  secretary  of  state ;Henry  L. 
Hertz,  treasurer;  James  McCullough,  auditor;  Edwin  C. 
Akin,  attorney-general. 

After  these  nominations  had  been  made  the  convention 
considered  the  matter  of  instructing  the  delegates  to  the 
national  convention.  The  oratorical  honors  were  about  evenly 
divided  between  Charles  E.  Fuller,  who  is  now  representing 
the  Twelfth  district  in  congress,  and  W.  J.  Calhoun.  Mr. 
Fuller  argued  that  in  view  of  Mr.  Cullom's  long  and  honor- 
able career,  and  as  a  matter  of  state  pride,  Illinois  should 
instruct  for  her  senior  senator.  Mr.  Calhoun  urged  the 
claims  of  McKinley.  The  result,  however,  had  been  predes- 
tined from  the  first.  McKinley  received  832  votes,  and  Cul- 
lom,  503.  A  resolution  instructing  for  McKinley  was  then 
adopted  by  acclamation.  In  view  of  the  abolition  of  the  "unit 
rule"  in  1880,  this  action  only  had  the  effect  of  re-affirming 


180  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  action  of  the  congressional  districts,  and  McKinley  received 
all  but  two  of  the  votes  of  the  delegation  at  St.  Louis. 

The  Democrats,  in  their  state  convention  held  at  Peoria, 
June  23,  made  the  following  nominations:  Governor,  John 
P.  Altgeld ;  lieutenant-governor,  Monroe  C.  Crawford ;  secre- 
tary of  state,  Finis  E.  Downing ;  auditor,  W.  F.  Beck ;  treas- 
urer, Edward  C.  Pace;  attorney- general,  George  S.  Trude. 
The  name  of  Andrew  L.  Maxwell  was  subsequently  substi- 
tuted for  that  of  W.  F.  Beck  for  auditor. 

The  Independent  Gold  Democrats,  Prohibitionists,  Na- 
tional party  and  Socialist  Labor  party  also  placed  full  state 
tickets  in  the  field. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  at  St. 
Louis,  June  16.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  temporary  chair- 
man, and  John  W.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  was  permanent 
presiding  officer.  William  McKinley  was  nominated  for 
president  on  the  first  ballot.  He  received  6611/2  votes;  Reed, 
841/2;  Allison,  35y2;  Morton,  58;  Quay,  61l/2.  Garret  A. 
Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  vice-president  on 
the  first  ballot. 

The  currency  plank  was  objectionable  to  a  minority. 
Twenty  delegates  filed  a  protest  and  seceded  from  the  conven- 
tion. Among  these  were  Teller,  of  Colorado;  Dubois,  of 
Idaho ;  Cannon,  of  Utah,  and  Pettigrew,  of  South  Dakota. 

The  Democrats  assembled  in  national  convention  in 
Chicago,  July  7.  The  delegates  were  hopelessly  divided  on 
the  currency  question,  but  the  "sixteen  to  one"  silver  element 
prevailed  and  the  report  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  em- 
bodied that  principle.  This  convention  was  made  memorable 
by  the  spectacular  appearance  of  William  Jennings  Bryan. 
Although  he  had  served  one  term  in  congress  he  was  "to 
fortune  and  to  fame  unknown"  when  the  convention  assem- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  181 

bled ;  when  that  body  adjourned  he  was  its  nominee  for  pres- 
ident. It  was  a  remarkable  scene,  and  was  without  precedent. 
The  "boy  orator  of  the  Platte,"  only  thirty-six  years  of  age, 
electrified  the  vast  assemblage  by  his  famous  "cross  of  gold" 
speech  and  literally  turned  the  heads  and  and  won  the  hearts 
of  the  delegates.  A  stampede  followed,  and  Mr.  Bryan  was 
nominated  on  the  fifth  ballot.  Arthur  Sewell,  of  Maine,  was 
nominated  for  vice-president  on  the  fifth  ballot. 

The  Gold  wing  of  the  Democratic  party  revolted  from 
the  action  of  the  Chicago  convention,  and  nominated  John  M. 
Palmer,  of  Illinois,  for  president.  The  Silver  National  party 
met  at  St.  Louis  and  endorsed  the  nominees  and  platform  of 
the  Democrats.  The  People's  party  nominated  Bryan  for 
president  and  Thomas  E.  Watson,  of  Georgia,  for  vice-  pres- 
ident. The  Socialist-Labor  party  and  the  Prohibitionists  also 
placed  tickets  in  the  field. 

At  the  outset  the  Republicans  attempted  to  make  the 
tariff  the  sole  issue,  and  in  a  sense  it  remained  one  of  the  most 
important.  The  platform  upon  which  Bryan  had  been  nom- 
inated declared  for  "free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  silver 
and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,"  and 
"that  the  standard  silver  dollar  shall  be  a  full  legal  tender 
equally  with  gold  for  all  debts,  public  and  private."  The 
Republicans  were  therefore  compelled  to  accept  silver  as  an 
issue.  It  was  a  comparatively  new  question;  the  people  did 
not  understand  it,  but  they  took  a  lively  interest  in  this  cam- 
paign of  education  and  correctly  settled  the  fate  of  silver. 

An  interesting  feature  of  the  campaign  in  Illinois  was  a 
tour  of  the  state  by  the  "flying  squadron"  made  by  a  special 
train.  The  "squadron"  comprised  all  living  former  governors, 
Oglesby,  Beveridge,  Hamilton,  Fifer  and  Cullom.  The  im- 
portance of  Illinois  in  the  canvass  was  emphasized  by  the  fact 


182  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

that  the  headquarters  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic 
national  committees  were  located  in  Chicago. 

William  McKinley  was  elected  president  by  271  electoral 
votes  over  Bryan,  who  received  176  votes.  Notwithstanding 
the  number  of  tickets  in  the  field,  McKinley's  plurality  in 
Illinois  was  142,607,  the  largest  ever  given  any  presidential 
or  state  ticket  up  to  that  time.  His  majority  over  all  candi- 
dates was  123,391.  The  banner  Republican  counties  were 
Cook,  Kane  and  Winnebago. 

Mr.  Tanner's  plurality  for  governor  was  113,381.  The 
Republicans  not  only  elected  their  entire  state  ticket,  but  they 
secured  majorities  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature,  and 
eighteen  of  the  twenty-two  congressmen.  Illinois  was  repre- 
sented in  the  Fifty-fifth  congress  as  follows:  First  district, 
James  R.  Mann ;  Second,  William  Lorimer ;  Third,  Hugh  R. 
Belknap ;  Fourth,  Daniel  W.  Mills ;  Fifth,  George  E.  White ; 
Sixth,  Edward  D.  Cooke;  Seventh,  George  E.  Foss;  Eighth, 
Albert  J.  Hopkins ;  Ninth,  Robert  R.  Hitt ;  Tenth,  George 
W.  Prince;  Eleventh,  Walter  Reeves;  Twelfth,  Joseph  G. 
Cannon ;  Thirteenth,  Vespasian  Warner ;  Fourteenth,  Joseph 
V.  Graff;  Fifteenth,  Benjamin  F.  Marsh;  Sixteenth,  William 
H.  Hinrichsen ;  Seventeenth,  James  A.  Connolly ;  Eighteenth, 
Thomas  M.  Jett;  Nineteenth,  Andrew  J.  Hunter ;  Twentieth, 
James  R.  Campbell ;  Twenty-first,  Jehu  Baker ;  Twenty-sec- 
ond, George  W.  -Smith.  Messrs.  Hinrichsen,  Jett,  Hunter, 
and  Campbell  were  Democrats.  Edward  D.  Cooke  died  in 
office  and  was  succeeded  by  Henry  Sherman  Boutell. 

An  incident  of  1896  was  the  death  of  Lyman  Trumbull. 
He  died  in  Chicago  June  25.  Mr.  Trumbull  was  a  grand- 
nephew  of  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut, 
from  whom  the  name  "Brother  Jonathan"  was  derived  as  an 
appellation  for  Americans. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  183 

The  legislature  convened  in  regular  session  January  6, 
1897.  There  were  38  Republicans,  12  Democrats  and  one 
member  of  the  People's  party  in  the  senate.  This  branch  was 
organized  by  the  election  of  Hendrick  V.  Fisher,  president  pro 
tempore,  and  James  H.  Paddock,  secretary.  Edward  C.  Cur- 
tis was  elected  speaker  of  the  house,  which  consisted  of  88 
Republicans,  63  Democrats  and  two  members  of  the  People's 
party. 

John  R.  Tanner  was  inaugurated  governor  January  11 
with  "pomp  and  circumstance"  far  surpassing  any  similar 
event  in  the  history  of  the  state.  Governor  Tanner  was  born 
in  Warwick  county,  Indiana,  April  4,  1844.  The  family 
removed  to  Illinois  and  John  R.  grew  to  manhood  on  a  farm 
in  the  vicinity  of  Carbondale.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he 
enlisted  in  the  Ninety-eighth  Illinois  regiment.  His  father 
and  three  brothers  also  served  their  country  as  soldiers.  The 
father  died  in  a  southern  prison  and  is  buried  in  an  unknown 
grave.  Governor  Tanner's  public  career  began  in  1870,  when 
he  was  elected  sheriff  of  Clay  county.  From  that  time  his 
rise  was  rapid.  He  became  clerk  of  the  circuit  court ;  served 
four  years  in  the  state  senate;  in  1883  he  was  appointed 
United  States  marshal  for  the  southern  district  of  Illinois; 
elected  state  treasurer  in  1886;  appointed  a  member  of  the 
railroad  and  warehouse  commission  in  1891 ;  later  served  as 
United  States  sub-treasurer  at  Chicago,  and  in  1894  he  was 
chairman  of  the  Republican  state  central  committee. 

The  life  and  service  of  John  R.  Tanner  have  not  always 
been  fairly  estimated.  He  was  a  man  of  grievous  faults ;  but 
he  had  his  virtues,  too.  His  convivial  habits  obtained  the 
mastery  over  him,  and  he  was  thus  shorn  of  much  of  his 
native  strength.  He  became  the  leader  of  a  political  machine, 
which  was  for  a  time  a  source  of  great  influence,  but  which 


184  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

resulted  in  his  final  undoing.  His  approval  of  the  famous 
"Allen  bill"  undermined  public  confidence  in  him,  although 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  personally  profited  by  his  official 
action.  But  the  ledger  must  be  balanced.  John  R.  Tanner 
feared  no  man,  and  he  always  had  the  courage  of  his  con- 
victions. Throughout  his  public  career  he  displayed  executive 
ability  of  a  high  order.  He  made  friends  and  held  them  with 
"hoops  of  steel."  His  mausoleum  in  Springfield,  the  finest  at 
the  capital,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Lincoln  monument, 
is  a  perpetual  witness  to  the  devotion  of  those  who  knew  him 
best.  Governor  Tanner  died  in  Springfield  May  23,  1901. 

After  the  organization  of  the  two  houses  and  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  state  officers,  the  legislature  considered  the  election 
of  a  United  States  senator  to  succeed  General  Palmer,  whose 
term  would  expire  March  4.  William  E.  Mason  had  been 
a  candidate  since  1895,  when  he  was  defeated  by  Senator 
Cullom.  The  other  candidates  were  Robert  R.  Hitt,  Martin 
B.  Madden,  Clark  E.  Carr  and  Albert  J.  Hopkins.  At  the 
formal  caucus,  held  January  19,  Mason  triumphed  over  all 
opposition,  was  nominated  by  acclamation,  and  elected  the 
following  day.  Former  Governor  Altgeld  was  the  Democratic 
nominee. 

William  E.  Mason  was  born  July  7,  1850,  in  Cattaraugus 
county,  New  York.  He  graduated  from  Birmingham  college, 
in  Iowa.  Mr.  Mason's  residence  in  Illinois  began  in  1872, 
when  he  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law  in  Chicago.  In  1878 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  legislature.  Four  years  later 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  state  senate.  In  1886  he  was 
elected  member  of  congress  from  the  Third  Chicago  district 
and  re-elected  in  1888.  Mr.  Mason  is  given  the  credit  of 
doing  more  than  any  other  member  of  congress  in  securing  the 
great  Columbian  exposition  for  Chicago.  He  was  the  central 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  185 

figure  during  the  decisive  discussion,  and  the  speaker  of  the 
house  declared  Mason  made  the  best  speech  of  five  minutes 
he  had  ever  heard.  Mr.  Mason  enjoys  a  wide  reputation  as 
a  campaigner,  and  as  a  story-teller  he  has  not  been  surpassed 
since  the  days  of  Lincoln.  He  is  the  author  of  a  book,  "John, 
the  Unafraid,"  which  was  published  anonymously  and  has 
had  a  large  sale. 

The  legislature,  at  this  session,  reduced  the  number  of 
judicial  grand  divisions  of  the  supreme  court  from  three  to 
one,  and  all  the  sessions  of  the  court  were  required  to  be  held 
at  Springfield  in  October,  December,  February,  April  and 
June  of  each  year.  Since  1847,  as  provided  by  the  constitution 
adopted  that  year,  the  court  had  held  its  sessions  "on  wheels," 
convening  alternately  in  Springfield,  Mt.  Vernon  and  Ottawa. 
For  the  first  time  since  the  act  of  July  1,  1877,  a  judicial 
apportionment  act  was  passed,  dividing  the  state  into  seven- 
teen circuits,  outside  of  Cook  county.  The  judicial  elections 
of  1897  were  held  under  this  law. 

A  special  session  was  convened  December  7,  1897.  The 
political  event  of  the  session  was  the  passage  of  a  primary 
election  law.  The  legislature  adjourned  February  24,  1898. 

Illinois  was  honored  in  1897  by  President  McKinley,  who 
appointed  Lyman  J.  Gage  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Previous 
to  this  time  only  three  citizens  of  Illinois  had  held  positions 
in  the  president's  cabinet.  O.  H.  Browning  was  appointed 
secretary  of  the  interior  in  1866,  by  President  Johnson.  John 
A.  Rawlins  was  chosen  secretary  of  war  by  President  Grant 
in  1869,  and  Robert  T.  Lincoln  entered  Garfield's  cabinet  in 
1881  as  secretary  of  war.  This  brief  list  may  be  supplemented 
by  E.  B.  Washburne,  who  was  secretary  of  state  under  Grant 
for  ten  days;  General  Schofield,  appointed  temporarily  to  the 
war  department;  and  Judge  Gresham,  who  was  given  the 


186  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

state  portfolio  from  Illinois  by  President  Cleveland.  Judge 
Gresham,  however,  was  only  domiciled  in  Illinois,  and  should 
be  credited  to  Indiana. 

Mr.  Gage  had  achieved  a  wide  reputation  as  a  financier, 
in  the  capacity  of  president  of  the  First  National  bank  of 
Chicago.  He  gave  a  successful  administration  of  the  treasury 
department. 

President  McKinley  had  purposed  to  appoint  Colonel 
Thomas  G.  Lawler,  of  Rockford,  commissioner  of  pensions; 
but  Mark  Hanna  had  made  a  promise  to  H.  Clay  Evans, 
of  Kentucky.  President  McKinley  appointed  Abraham  E. 
Smith,  formerly  postmaster  of  Rockford,  consul  at  Victoria, 
British  Columbia,  where  he  has  remained  fourteen  years. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

REPEAL  OF  THE  "ALLEN   BILL" JOHN    HAY  SECRETARY  OF 

STATE — RICHARD  YATES   ELECTED  GOVERNOR — RE-ELEC- 
TION OF  MCKINLEY — CULLOM  RETURNED  TO  SENATE 

HOPKINS  CHOSEN  SENATOR — CANNON  SPEAKER  OF  THE 
HOUSE. 

THE  splendid  victories  achieved  by  the  Republicans  of 
Illinois  in  1894  and  1896  were  continued  in  1898. 
The  previous  year  a  Republican  congress  had  passed 
the  Dingley  tariff  act,  a  protective  measure  which  stimulated 
trade  and  manufacturing,  and  gave  the  party  an  extended 
lease  of  power.  The  elections  followed  closely  the  termination 
of  the  Spanish-American  war,  which  had  been  successfully 
prosecuted  by  President  McKinley  and  a  congress  which  sup- 
ported him  with  remarkable  unanimity.  The  American  people 
believed  the  sword  had  been  drawn  in  a  holy  cause  and  this 
fact  was  not  without  its  influence  upon  the  state  elections 
all  along  the  line. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield, 
June  14.  Charles  A.  Works,  of  Winnebago  county,  was 
temporary  chairman  and  H.  J.  Hamlin,  of  Shelby  county, 
was  permanent  presiding  officer.  Floyd  J.  Whittemore,  of 
Sangamon  county,  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer  by  accla- 
mation, and  Alfred  Bayliss,  of  La  Salle,  was  named  for  super- 
intendent of  public  instruction  on  the  second  ballot. 

There  was  a  long  and  spirited  fight  in  the  committee  on 
resolutions  over  the  "Allen  bill."  Judge  Carter,  of  Chicago, 
led  in  the  attack  against  this  unpopular  measure.  A  majority 

187 


188  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

of  the  committee  was  friendly  to  Governor  Tanner  and 
desired  to  have  the  matter  ignored  in  the  platform.  Judge 
Carter  threatened  to  present  a  minority  report  and  continue 
the  fight  on  the  floor  of  the  convention.  The  question  was 
referred  to  a  sub-committee,  which  reported  the  following 
resolution :  "The  Republican  party  will  uphold  the  interests 
of  the  people.  To  that  end,  if  any  legislative  enactment  is  in 
any  way  injurious  to  any  part  of  the  people  of  Illinois  and 
proves  objectionable,  a  Republican  legislature  can  be  depended 
upon  to  correct  the  same,  in  the  interests  of  the  people."  The 
resolution  became  a  part  of  the  platform. 

This  action  averted  the  embarrassment  to  which  Governor 
Tanner  would  have  been  subjected  had  his  championship  of 
the  act  been  openly  condemned.  The  platform  endorsed  the 
war  policy  of  President  McKinley,  the  administration  of 
Governor  Tanner  and  the  course  of  Senators  Cullom  and 
Mason  in  congress. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  in  Springfield, 
July  12.  Willard  E.  Dunlap,  of  Jacksonville,  was  nominated 
for  state  treasurer,  and  Perry  O.  Stiver,  of  Freeport,  for  super- 
intendent of  public  instruction.  The  Populists  and  Prohi- 
bitionists also  nominated  full  state  tickets. 

The  campaign  was  without  special  incident.  The  Repub- 
licans elected  their  state  ticket,  fourteen  members  of  congress 
and  a  majority  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature.  Whitte- 
more  received  448,940  votes  over  405,490  for  Dunlap,  Dem- 
ocrat, for  treasurer.  Whittemore's  plurality  over  all  candi- 
dates was  43,450. 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-sixth  congress  as 
follows:  First  district,  James  R.  Mann;  Second,  William 
Lorimer ;  Third,  George  P.  Foster ;  Fourth,  Thomas  Cusack ; 
Fifth,  Edward  T.  Noonan ;  Sixth,  Henry  S.  Boutell ;  Seventh, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  189 

George  E.  Foss;  Eighth,  Albert  J.  Hopkins;  Ninth,  Robert 
R.  Hitt;  Tenth,  George  W.  Prince;  Eleventh,  Walter 
Reeves ;  Twelfth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon ;  Thirteenth,  Vespasian 
Warner;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff;  Fifteenth,  Benjamin 
F.  Marsh;  Sixteenth,  William  Elza  Williams;  Seventeenth, 
Benjamin  F.  Caldwell;  Eighteenth,  Thomas  M.  Jett;  Nine- 
teenth, Joseph  B.  Crowley;  Twentieth,  James  R.  Williams; 
Twenty-first,  William  A.  Rodenberg ;  Twenty-second,  George 
W.  Smith.  Messrs.  Foster,  Cusack,  Noonan,  W.  E.  Williams, 
Caldwell,  Jett,  Crowley  and  J.  R.  Williams  were  Democrats. 
In  1898  President  McKinley  appointed  John  Hay  secre- 
tary of  state.  He  was  born  in  Salem,  Indiana,  October  8, 
1838.  Although  his  earlier  and  last  years  were  not  spent  in 
the  state,  he  was  essentially  a  son  of  Illinois.  Hay  read  law 
in  the  office  of  Shelby  M.  Cullom  and  Milton  Hay  in  Spring- 
field. It  was  from  this  office  that  President  Lincoln  called 
him  to  become  one  of  his  private  secretaries.  President  Me 
Kinley  appointed  Mr.  Hay  ambassador  to  England  in  1897. 
Upon  Mr.  Day's  retirement  from  the  state  department  the 
following  year,  Mr.  Hay  was  appointed  his  successor,  and 
continued  to  act  as  secretary  of  state  in  President  Roosevelt's 
cabinet  until  his  death  in  1905.  Mr.  Cullom  says  John  Hay 
was  the  most  accomplished  diplomat  who  ever  occupied  the 
high  position  of  secretary  of  state.  Mr.  Cullom's  position  as 
chairman  of  the  senate  committee  on  foreign  relations  gives 
significance  to  this  estimate  of  his  friend.  Mr.  Hay  achieved 
great  distinction  in  carrying  to  triumphant  conclusion  his  far 
eastern  diplomacy.  He  also  negotiated  the  Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty  which  made  it  possible  to  construct  the  Panama  canal ; 
and  settled  the  Alaska  boundary  dispute  with  Great  Britain. 
Mr.  Hay's  great  literary  achievement  was  his  Life  of  Lincoln 
which  he  collaborated  with  John  G.  Nicolay. 


190  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  legislature  convened  January  4,  1899.  The  senate 
was  composed  of  34  Republicans,  16  Democrats  and  one 
Populist.  Walter  Warder,  of  Alexander  county,  was  chosen 
president  pro  tempore.  In  the  house  there  were  81  Repub- 
licans, 71  Democrats  and  one  Prohibitionist,  Frank  S.  Regan, 
of  Winnebago.  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman,  of  McDonough 
county,  was  chosen  speaker. 

The  legislature  continued  in  session  one  hundred  and  one 
days.  This  was  the  shortest  regular  session  with  the  single 
exception  of  1875,  since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  in 
1870.  There  was  no  political  legislation.  The  "Allen  bill" 
was  repealed;  and  although  the  law  had  been  in  force  two 
years,  not  a  single  street  railway  franchise  was  granted  under 
its  provisions. 

Two  of  Illinois'  most  famous  orators  passed  away  in  1899. 
General  Oglesby  died  at  his  home  in  Elkhart,  April  24,  at  the 
age  of  nearly  seventy-five  years.  Senator  Cullom  in  his  vol- 
ume of  reminiscences  says  of  him:  "Governor  Oglesby  was 
a  remarkable  man  in  many  respects.  Judged  by  the  standards 
of  Lincoln  and  Grant,  he  was  not  a  great  man.  In  some 
respects  he  was  a  man  of  far  more  than  ordinary  ability.  He 
was  a  wonderfully  eloquent  speaker  and  I  have  heard  him  on 
occasions  move  audiences  to  a  greater  extent  than  almost  any 
orator,  aside  from  the  late  Robert  G.  Ingersoll." 

Colonel  Ingersoll  died  July  21,  only  a  few  days  before 
his  sixty-sixth  birthday.  His  later  years  were  not  spent  in  the 
state ;  still  he  may  be  regarded  as  an  Illinois  man. 

The  gubernatorial  contest  opened  in  Illinois  with  Elbridge 
Hanecy,  Orrin  H.  Carter,  Walter  Reeves  and  Richard  Yates 
as  avowed  candidates.  The  state  Republican  convention  as- 
sembled in  Peoria,  May  8,  1900.  Charles  G.  Dawes  was 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  191 

temporary  chairman,  and  former  Governor  Fifer  was  perma- 
nent presiding  officer. 

The  several  candidates  for  governor  had  conducted  aggres- 
sive campaigns,  and  the  outcome  was  decidedly  uncertain  when 
the  convention  was  called  to  order.  There  were  1,537  dele- 
gates. Judge  Hanecy  led  on  the  first  ballot  with  5731/2 
votes.  Carter  followed  with  359y2;  Reeves,  33 11/^;  Yates 
272!/2.  Two  ballots  followed  without  a  choice.  The  decisive 
break  came  on  the  fourth  ballot,  when  the  Hanecy  forces 
threw  their  strength  to  Yates.  He  received  971  votes  and 
was  nominated.  Carter's  following  went  to  Reeves,  who 
received  566  votes. 

W.  A.  Northcott  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor ; 
James  A.  Rose,  secretary  of  state ;  James  S.  McCullough, 
auditor;  M.  O.  Williamson,  treasurer;  H.  J.  Hamlin,  attor- 
ney-general. 

Governor  Tanner  had  announced  that  he  would  not  be 
a  candidate  for  re-election,  but  aspired  to  succeed  Cullom  in 
the  senate.  The  principle  of  the  popular  election  of  senators 
was  recognized  to  the  extent  that  both  Cullom  and  Tanner 
sought  endorsement  by  the  convention.  In  this  rivalry  Cul- 
lom was  an  easy  winner. 

Congressman  Hopkins  was  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
resolutions.  The  platform  declared  that  every  pledge  made 
by  the  Republican  party  in  1896  had  been  fulfilled. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  was  held  at  Springfield 
June  27.  The  following  ticket  was  nominated :  For  govern- 
or, Samuel  Alschuler ;  lieutenant-governor,  Elmer  E.  Terry ; 
secretary  of  state,  James  F.  O'Donnell;  auditor,  George  B. 
Parsons;  treasurer,  M.  F.  Dunlap;  attorney-general,  James 
Todd. 


192  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Full  state  tickets  were  also  nominated  by  the  Prohibition- 
ists, People's  party,  Socialist- Labor  party,  Socialist  Democrats, 
United  Christian  and  Union  Reform  parties.  All  of  these 
parties  nominated  national  tickets. 

President  McKinley's  renomination  in  1900  was  a  fore- 
gone conclusion.  The  Dingley  tariff  bill  had  been  endorsed 
at  the  elections  in  1898,  and  the  president  had  prosecuted  the 
Spanish-American  war  to  a  quick  and  decisive  issue.  More- 
over, McKinley  was  probably  the  most  popular  president  who 
ever  occupied  the  White  House. 

The  national  Republican  convention  assembled  at  Phila- 
delphia, June  19.  President  McKinley  was  renominated  by 
acclamation.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  then  governor  of  New 
York,  received  every  vote  except  his  own  for  vice-president 
on  the  first  ballot.  Roosevelt  accepted  the  honor  much  against 
his  will,  and  in  little  more  than  a  year  became  president. 
Senator  Platt,  of  New  York,  who  prevailed  upon  Roosevelt 
to  go  on  the  ticket,  regretted  his  course  to  the  day  of  his  death. 
Such  is  the  irony  of  fate. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  met  at  Kansas  City, 
July  4.  William  Jennings  Bryan  was  renominated  for  pres- 
ident, and  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  for  vice-president. 

Imperialism  was  the  dominant  issue  of  the  campaign.  By 
the  unforeseen  fortunes  of  war,  the  United  States  had  come 
into  possession  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines.  This  fact 
meant  abandonment  of  the  traditional  policy  of  isolation, 
and  assuming  the  position  of  a  world  power.  The  Democratic 
party  raised  the  issue  of  imperialism.  Early  in  the  year  the 
following  resolution  was  introduced  in  congress:  "Be  it 
resolved  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  congress  assembled,  that  the 
Philippine  Islands  are  territory  belonging  to  the  United 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  193 

States;  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to  retain 
them  as  such,  and  to  establish  and  maintain  such  governmental 
control  throughout  the  archipelago  as  the  situation  may  de- 
mand." Congress  adopted  this  resolution  and  thus  the  issue 
was  clearly  defined. 

The  Democrats  would  have  abandoned  the  silver  issue, 
but  Bryan,  who  was  master  of  the  situation,  would  not  allow 
them  to  do  so.  Many  gold  Democrats  voted  for  McKinley. 
The  tariff  was  scarcely  discussed. 

The  Republicans  elected  their  entire  state  ticket  in  Illinois 
and  a  majority  in  both  branches  of  the  legislature.  The  con- 
gressional delegation  was  evenly  divided,  eleven  Republicans 
and  eleven  Democrats.  McKinley 's  vote  in  the  state  was 
597,985 ;  Bryan's,  503,061 ;  while  Rev.  H.  M.  Bannen,  of 
Rockford,  who  led  the  Prohibitionist  candidates  for  electors, 
received  17,626.  McKinley 's  plurality  was  94,924,  and  his 
majority  64,073. 

Richard  Yates  received  580,199  votes  for  governor,  to 
518,966  for  Samuel  Alschuler,  and  15,643  for  Barnes.  Yates' 
plurality  was  61,073  and  his  majority  33,570. 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-seventh  congress  as 
follows:  First  district,  James  R.  Mann;  Second,  John  J. 
Feeley;  Third,  George  P.  Foster;  Fourth,  James  McAn- 
drews ;  Fifth,  William  F.  Mahoney ;  Sixth,  Henry  S.  Boutell ; 
Seventh,  George  E.  Foss ;  Eighth,  Albert  J.  Hopkins ;  Ninth, 
Robert  R.  Hitt ;  Tenth,  George  W.  Prince ;  Eleventh,  Walter 
Reeves;  Twelfth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Thirteenth,  Vespasian 
Warner;  Fourteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff;  Fifteenth,  J.  Ross 
Mickey;  Sixteenth,  Thomas  Jefferson  Selby;  Seventeenth, 
Benjamin  F.  Caldwell;  Eighteenth,  Thomas  M.  Jett;  Nine- 
teenth, Joseph  B.  Crowley ;  Twentieth,  James  R.  Williams ; 
Twenty-first,  Frederick  J.  Kern ;  Twenty-second,  George  W. 

14 


194  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Smith.  Messrs.  Mann,  Boutell,  Foss,  Hopkins,  Hitt,  Prince, 
Reeves,  Cannon,  Warner,  Graff  and  Smith  were  Republicans. 

The  Forty-second  general  assembly  convened  January  9, 
1901.  The  senate  was  composed  of  32  Republicans  and  19 
Democrats.  John  J.  Brenholdt,  of  Madison,  was  elected 
president  pro  tempore.  In  the  house  there  were  81  Repub- 
licans and  72  Democrats.  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  was  re- 
elected  speaker. 

Richard  Yates  was  inaugurated  governor  of  Illinois, 
January  14.  He  is  a  son  of  Richard  Yates,  the  famous  war 
governor.  The  Yates  family  affords  the  only  instance  in  the 
history  of  the  state  of  the  chief  executive  office  being  filled  by 
father  and  son.  The  younger  Yates  was  nominated  for  gov- 
ernor on  the  fortieth  anniversary  of  his  father's  nomination 
for  the  same  office.  He  was  born  in  Jacksonville,  Illinois, 
December  12,  1860.  He  was  graduated  from  Illinois  college 
in  1880,  from  the  law  school  of  the  University  of  Michigan 
in  1884,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  the  same  year.  Mr. 
Yates  was  city  attorney  of  Jacksonville  from  1887  to  1891, 
and  in  1894  he  was  elected  county  judge  of  Morgan  county. 
He  was  nominated  for  congressman-at-large  in  1892,  but  was 
defeated  in  the  general  Democratic  landslide  which  swept  over 
the  state.  In  1897  he  was  appointed  by  President  McKinley 
collector  of  internal  revenue  for  the  central  Illinois  district, 
which  comprised  forty  counties.  Mr.  Yates  has  been  active 
in  state  politics  since  1881.  He  has  a  winning  personality 
and  is  a  good  campaigner;  he  is  true  to  his  friends,  and  they 
are  loyal  to  him  in  return.  Mr.  Yates'  administration  was 
creditable,  but  not  eventful. 

Mr.  Cullom's  fourth  term  as  a  United  States  senator  was 
about  to  expire  and  he  was  a  candidate  for  re-election.  Cul- 
lom's endorsement  by  the  state  convention  did  not  settle  the 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  195 

contest,  which  was  continued  until  he  was  nominated  by  the 
legislative  caucus.  Senator  Cullom  had  obtained  a  sufficient 
number  of  written  pledges  from  members  of  the  legislature  to 
secure  his  election.  This  fact,  however,  was  not  known  to 
Congressmen  Hitt,  Cannon  and  Prince,  all  of  whom  were 
candidates.  The  most  aggressive  aspirant  was  former  Govern- 
or Tanner.  Senator  Cullom,  in  his  recent  book,  charges  that 
Tanner  attempted  to  undo  him  by  means  of  a  secret  ballot  in 
the  caucus.  This  alleged  plan  was  a  failure.  Hitt  and 
Cannon  would  not  unite  on  Tanner  against  Cullom.  The 
result  was  the  withdrawal  of  all  other  candidates  from  the 
race.  Senator  Cullom's  name  was  the  only  one  presented  to 
the  caucus,  and  he  was  re-elected.  Cullom  ventures  the 
opinion  that  if  Tanner  had  remained  loyal  to  him  he  would 
have  been  renominated  governor. 

By  the  act  of  May  13,  1901,  Illinois  was  divided  into 
twenty-five  congressional  districts.  The  first  election  under 
this  law  was  held  in  November,  1902.  A  new  senatorial 
apportionment  was  made  by  the  act  of  May  10. 

Six  parties  nominated  state  tickets  for  the  off  year  1902. 
These  were  Republican,  Democratic,  Prohibitionist,  Socialist, 
Socialist-Labor  and  People's.  At  the  Republican  state  con- 
vention Fred  A.  Busse  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer,  and 
Alfred  Bayliss  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  The 
Democrats  nominated  George  Duddleston  for  treasurer,  and 
Anson  L.  Bliss  for  superintendent. 

A  light  vote  was  polled  at  the  November  election,  but  it 
resulted  in  largely  increased  Republican  pluralities  over  1900. 
Busse  received  450,695  votes  for  treasurer;  Duddleston, 
360,925  ;  Truesburg,  Prohibitionist,  18,434.  Busse's  plurality 
was  89,770.  The  vote  for  superintendent  was:  Bayliss, 


196  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

442,505;  Bliss,  359,430;  Blanchard,  Prohibitionist,  18,517. 
Bayliss'  plurality  was  83,075. 

The  Republicans  retained  control  of  both  branches  of  the 
legislature  and  elected  seventeen  of  the  twenty-five  congress- 
men. Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-eighth  congress  as 
follows:  First  district,  Martin  Emerich;  Second,  James  R. 
Mann ;  Third,  William  Warfield  Wilson ;  Fourth,  George  P. 
Foster ;  Fifth,  James  McAndrews ;  Sixth,  William  Lorimer ; 
Seventh,  Philip  Knopf;  Eighth,  William  F.  Mahoney;  Ninth, 
Henry  S.  Boutell;  Tenth,  George  Edmund  Foss;  Eleventh, 
Howard  M.  Snapp ;  Twelfth,  Charles  E.  Fuller ;  Thirteenth, 
Robert  R.  Hitt;  Fourteenth,  Benjamin  F.  Marsh;  Fifteenth, 
George  W.  Prince;  Sixteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff;  Seventeenth, 
John  A.  Sterling;  Eighteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon ;  Nineteenth, 
Vespasian  Warner ;  Twentieth,  Henry  T.  Rainey ;  Twenty- 
first,  Benjamin  F.  Caldwell;  Twenty-second,  William  A. 
Rodenberg;  Twenty-third,  Joseph  B.  Crowley;  Twenty- 
fourth,  James  R.  Williams;  Twenty-fifth,  George  W.  Smith. 
Messrs.  Emerich,  Foster,  McAndrews,  Mahoney,  Rainey, 
Caldwell,  Crowley  and  Williams  were  Democrats. 

The  legislature  convened  January  7,  1903.  There  were 
36  Republicans  and  15  Democrats  in  the  senate.  John  C. 
McKenzie,  of  Jo  Daviess,  was  chosen  president  pro  tempore. 
The  house  was  composed  of  88  Republicans,  62  Democrats, 
two  Public  Ownership,  and  one  Prohibitionist. 

The  political  event  of  the  session  was  the  election  of 
Albert  J.  Hopkins  to  succeed  William  E.  Mason  in  the  United 
States  senate.  Mr.  Hopkins  was  born  in  DeKalb  county, 
August  15,  1846.  He  was  graduated  from  Hillsdale  college 
in  1870  and  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Aurora,  Illinois. 
Mr.  Hopkins  was  state's  attorney  of  Kane  county  from  1872 
to  1876.  He  was  a  candidate  for  the  congressional  nomina- 


JOSEPH    G.    CANNON 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  197 

tion  in  1882  in  what  was  then  the  Fifth  district.  He  was 
defeated  by  Reuben  Eliwood,  of  Sycamore.  The  writer 
recalls  the  dejected  spirit  in  which  Mr.  Hopkins  addressed 
the  Elgin  convention  after  the  nomination  of  his  rival.  Mr. 
Eliwood  was  re-elected  in  1884,  but  died  the  following  year. 
Mr.  Hopkins  was  elected  to  fill  the  vacancy,  and  remained  in 
the  house  eighteen  years,  until  he  was  chosen  senator.  Mr. 
Hopkins  made  an  honorable  record  in  the  senate.  He  ren- 
dered conspicuous  service  to  Chicago  in  maintaining  her  right 
to  use  water  from  Lake  Michigan  for  the  drainage  canal. 

It  was  not  until  1903  that  Illinois  was  given  the  privilege 
of  furnishing  the  speaker  of  the  lower  house  of  congress.  This 
honor  was  conferred  upon  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  who  was  then 
representing  the  Eighteenth  district.  Mr.  Cannon  is  one  of 
the  most  unique  characters  in  American  public  life,  the  last 
of  the  frontier  type  of  statesmen,  of  which  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  first.  A  few  years  ago  Mr.  Cannon  dictated  an  auto- 
biography to  a  Washington  correspondent.  He  told  his  life 
story  in  two  sentences:  "Cannon  was  born  of  God-fearing 
and  man-loving  parents.  He  made  himself  and  did  a  damn 
poor  job  of  it." 

The  historian  cannot  dismiss  Mr.  Cannon  with  such  brief 
mention.  He  was  born  in  Guilford,  North  Carolina,  May  7, 
1836.  He  came  to  Illinois  when  a  young  man  and  began  the 
practice  of  law.  He  was  state's  attorney  of  Vermillion  county 
from  1861  to  1868.  He  entered  congress  in  1872  from  the 
Danville  district  and  has  continued  in  that  office  from  that 
day  to  this,  a  period  of  forty  years,  with  the  single  exception 
of  one  term,  when  he  was  defeated  in  the  Democratic  land- 
slide of  1890. 

Mr.  Cannon,  when  he  completes  his  present  term,  will 
have  served  Illinois  and  the  nation  as  a  member  of  congress 


198  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

thirty-eight  years.  No  other  man  in  the  history  of  the  gov- 
ernment has  made  such  a  remarkable  record.  A  few  years 
ago  the  statement  was  made  that  of  the  twelve  thousand  con- 
gressmen, only  thirty-four  had  served  twenty  years  or  more. 
The  longest  service  was  that  of  John  H.  Ketcham,  of  New 
York,  who  served  thirty-four  years. 

Mr.  Cannon's  career  as  speaker  is  also  without  precedent. 
He  has  served  four  consecutive  terms  in  the  most  influential 
position  under  the  government,  with  the  single  exception  of 
the  president.  No  other  speaker  has  served  so  many  consecu- 
tive terms.  Henry  Clay  was  speaker  ten  years,  but  his  service 
was  divided  into  three  periods. 

Mr.  Cannon  possesses  splendid  ability.  He  is  a  strong, 
courageous  man,  and  like  the  typical  Englishman,  he  does  not 
know  when  he  is  whipped.  He  has  had  a  stormy  career  in 
the  speaker's  chair,  but  he  has  always  been  masterful  and  in 
full  control  of  the  situation. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

PROLONGED  GUBERNATORIAL  DEADLOCK  OF  1904 NOMINA- 
TION OF  DENEEN — STRUGGLE  TO  SECURE  DIRECT  PRI- 
MARY ELECTION  LAW — DEATH  OF  CONGRESSMAN  HITT 
CULLOM  RE-ELECTED  SENATOR. 

THE  gubernatorial  contest  in  1904  was  the  most  mem- 
orable and  spectacular  in  the  history  of  the  state. 
It  began  months  before  the  state  convention,  and 
ended  in  a  deadlock  which  continued  thirteen  days.  Governor 
Yates  had  conducted  one  of  his  "whirlwind  campaigns" 
throughout  the  state,  and  was  in  the  lead  when  the  Republican 
state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield,  May  12.  His  most 
formidable  rivals  were  Charles  S.  Deneen  and  Frank  O. 
Lowden.  Howland  J.  Hamlin,  Vespasian  Warner,  Lawrence 
Y.  Sherman  and  John  Pierce  also  had  a  small  number  of  loyal 
supporters.  Speaker  Cannon  was  chosen  temporary  chairman, 
and  Luman  T.  Hoy,  of  Woodstock,  was  permanent  presiding 
officer. 

The  first  ballot,  taken  on  Friday,  May  13,  resulted  as 
follows:  Yates,  507;  Lowden,  354;  Deneen,  386;  Hamlin, 
121 ;  Warner,  45 ;  Sherman,  87. 

The  balloting  continued  daily  for  one  week,  with  no 
material  change  in  the  result.  Yates  maintained  his  lead, 
and  the  other  candidates  continued  in  the  same  relative 
position.  At  this  juncture  Congressman  Fuller  tried  to  cut 
the  Gordian  knot  by  a  plan  to  nominate  first  the  candidates  for 
other  state  offices  and  leave  the  governorship  until  the  close 
of  the  convention.  The  proposition  did  not  meet  with  favor. 

199 


200  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

On  May  20  the  fifty-eighth  ballot  was  taken,  with  the 
following  result:  Yates,  483%;  Lowden,  392%;  Deneen, 
385%;  Hamlin,  113;  Warner,  53;  Sherman,  46;  Pierce,  29. 
With  no  prospect  of  a  break  of  the  deadlock  in  sight,  the 
convention  adjourned  until  May  31. 

The  delegates  reassembled  in  the  hope  that  the  recess 
would  afford  the  candidates  an  opportunity  to  effect  a  com- 
promise and  conclude  the  wearisome  business.  But  it  required 
another  four  days  to  accomplish  the  work  they  were  summoned 
to  perform. 

The  fifty-ninth  ballot  was  taken  on  the  day  the  conven- 
tion reassembled,  with  the  following  result:  Yates,  487; 
Lowden,  396%;  Deneen,  383%;  Hamlin,  116;  Warner, 
41 ;  Sherman,  50 ;  Pierce,  28. 

It  was  not  until  June  3  that  the  deadlock  was  broken. 
On  that  day  Governor  Yates  formally  withdrew.  He  was 
followed  by  Hamlin  and  Sherman,  all  of  whom  threw  their 
strength  to  Deneen,  and  he  was  nominated  on  the  seventy- 
ninth  ballot.  Deneen  received  957%  votes;  Lowden,  522%; 
Warner,  1;  Pierce,  1. 

The  loyalty  of  the  delegates  to  their  respective  candidates 
was  remarkable.  Yates'  ability  to  hold  his  friends  until  he 
released  them,  on  his  own  initiative,  gave  evidence  of  his  force- 
ful personality. 

Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor; James  A.  Rose,  secretary  of  state;  James  S.  Me 
Cullough,  auditor ;  Len  Small,  treasurer ;  William  H.  Stead, 
attorney-general. 

The  platform  re-affirmed  adherence  to  the  gold  standard 
and  protective  tariff,  endorsed  the  administrations  of  President 
Roosevelt  and  Governor  Yates,  commended  the  course  of 
Senators  Cullom  and  Hopkins  and  the  members  of  congress, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  201 

paid  a  tribute  to  the  diplomatic  achievements  of  Secretary  of 
State  John  Hay,  and  urged  the  delegates  to  the  national  con- 
vention to  use  all  means  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Congress- 
man Hitt  for  vice-president. 

The  Democratic  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield, 
June  15,  and  nominated  the  following  ticket:  Governor, 
Lawrence  B.  Stringer ;  lieutenant-governor,  Thomas  F.  Ferns ; 
secretary  of  state,  Frank  E.  Dooling;  auditor,  Reuben  E. 
Spangler;  treasurer,  Charles  B.  Thomas;  attorney-general, 
Albert  Watson. 

The  thirteenth  national  Republican  convention  assembled 
in  Chicago,  June  21,  1904,  and  continued  in  session  three  days. 
Elihu  Root,  of  New  York,  was  chosen  temporary  chairman, 
and  delivered  a  speech  of  great  power  on  the  achievements  of 
the  party.  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  speaker  of  the  house,  was 
selected  permanent  chairman. 

The  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  president  was  a  mere 
formality,  yet  it  was  performed  amid  great  enthusiasm. 
There  were  994  delegates,  and  Theodore  Roosevelt  received 
994  votes. 

Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  was  nominated 
for  vice-president  by  a  unanimous  viva  voce  vote.  Before 
this  action  was  taken  Senator  Cullom  withdrew  the  name  of 
Congressman  Hitt,  of  Illinois,  in  response  to  instructions 
received  from  that  gentleman. 

Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  was  chair- 
man of  the  committee  on  resolutions.  The  platform  was 
adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote,  without  discussion. 

At  the  Democratic  national  convention,  held  in  St.  Louis, 
July  6,  Judge  Alton  B.  Parker  was  nominated  for  president 
on  the  first  ballot,  and  Henry  Gassoway  Davis,  of  West 
Virginia,  for  vice-president  by  acclamation. 


202  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

The  Republicans  elected  their  state  ticket  by  tremendous 
majorities.  Roosevelt  received  632,645  votes,  and  Parker, 
327,606.  The  socialist  presidential  electors  polled  69,225 
and  the  Prohibitionists,  34,770.  Roosevelt's  plurality  was 
305,039.  The  vote  for  governor  was  as  follows:  Deneen, 
634,029;  Stringer,  Democrat,  334,880;  Patton,  Prohibition- 
ist, 35,440;  Collins,  Socialist,  59,062.  Deneen's  plurality 
was  299,149. 

The  Republicans  retained  control  of  both  branches  of  the 
legislature  and  elected  a  solid  congressional  delegation,  with 
the  exception  of  Henry  T.  Rainey,  in  the  Twentieth  district. 
Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Fifty-ninth  congress  as  follows : 
First  district,  Martin  B.  Madden ;  Second,  James  R.  Mann ; 
Third,  William  Warfield  Wilson ;  Fourth,  Charles  S.  Whar- 
ton;  Fifth,  Anthony  Michalek;  Sixth,  William  Lorimer; 
Seventh,  Philip  Nnopf;  Eighth,  Charles  McGavin;  Ninth, 
Henry  S.  Boutell;  Tenth,  George  Edmund  Foss;  Eleventh, 
Howard  M.  Snapp;  Twelfth,  Charles  E.  Fuller;  Thirteenth, 
Robert  R.  Hitt ;  Fourteenth,  Benjamin  F.  Marsh ;  Fifteenth, 
George  W.  Prince ;  Sixteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff ;  Seventeenth, 
John  A.  Sterling;  Eighteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Nine- 
teenth, William  B.  McKinley ;  Twentieth,  Henry  T.  Rainey ; 
Twenty-first,  Zeno  S.  Rives;  Twenty-second,  William  A. 
Rodenberg;  Twenty-third,  Frank  L.  Dickson;  Twenty- 
fourth,  Pleasant  T.  Chapman ;  Twenty-fifth,  George  W. 
Smith.  Congressman  Hitt  died  in  office  and  was  succeeded 
by  Frank  O.  Lowden.  Benjamin  F.  Marsh  also  died  during 
his  term  of  office,  and  was  succeeded  by  James  McKinney. 

The  legislature  convened  in  regular  session  January  4, 
1905.  The  house  was  composed  of  91  Republicans,  57  Dem- 
ocrats, three  Prohibitionists  and  two  Socialists.  Edward  D. 
Shurtleff,  of  McHenry  county,  was  elected  speaker.  There 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  203 

were  42  Republicans  and  only  nine  Democrats  in  the  senate. 
Leon  A.  Townsend,  of  Knox  county,  was  elected  president 
pro  tempore. 

Charles  S.  Deneen  was  inaugurated  January  9,  1905. 
All  the  other  state  officers  took  the  oath  at  the  same  time. 
Mr.  Deneen  was  born  at  Edwardsville,  Illinois,  May  4,  1863. 
He  received  his  education  in  the  public  schools  of  the  state, 
at  McKendree  college,  Lebanon,  and  in  the  Union  College 
of  Law,  Chicago.  He  taught  school  several  years  in  Chicago, 
until  he  was  established  in  his  profession  as  a  lawyer.  At  an 
early  age  he  took  an  active  interest  in  politics,  local,  state  and 
national.  He  represented  his  ward  in  the  city  and  county 
committees  of  his  party  for  many  years,  and  for  ten  years  was 
a  member  of  the  state  central  committee.  In  1892  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  general  assembly  from  the  Second 
senatorial  district  in  Chicago.  In  1895  he  was  appointed 
attorney  for  the  Chicago  sanitary  board.  The  following  year 
he  was  elected  state's  attorney  of  Cook  county ;  was  re-elected 
in  1900  by  a  flattering  majority  and  served  until  he  was 
elected  to  his  present  office. 

Governor  Deneen  possesses  executive  ability  of  a  high 
order,  and  has  given  Illinois  two  administrations  distinguished 
by  many  notable  achievements.  The  affairs  of  the  state  have 
been  conducted  on  business  principles,  as  never  before.  One 
of  his  most  notable  victories  was  the  passage  of  a  civil  service 
law  in  1905,  which  was  amended  in  1911.  It  now  embraces 
4,700  out  of  a  total  of  5,500  state  employes,  or  eighty  per 
cent  of  the  entire  public  service. 

Lawrence  Y.  Sherman,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was  born 
in  Miami  county,  Ohio,  November  8,  1858.  He  was  gradu- 
ated from  McKendree  college,  and  after  teaching  school  sev- 
eral years  began  the  practice  of  law  at  Macomb,  in  Me 


204  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Donough  county,  in  1882.  He  has  served  the  people  as  city 
attorney  of  Macomb,  county  judge  of  McDonough  county, 
and  as  representative  in  the  general  assembly  four  consecutive 
terms.  He  was  speaker  of  the  house  during  the  Forty-first 
and  Forty-second  general  assemblies. 

Mr.  Sherman  is  one  of  the  keenest  intellects  in  the  public 
service  of  Illinois  today.  He  is  a  commoner  of  the  old  school ; 
he  has  kept  in  touch  with  the  people,  and  believes  in  them,  in 
their  sense  of  justice  and  the  accuracy  of  their  judgment.  He 
is  an  able  debater  and  a  constructive  statesman.  Mr.  Sher- 
man now  holds  the  responsible  position  of  president  of  the 
state  board  of  administration. 

It  is  only  within  recent  years  that  attempts  have  been  made 
in  this  state  to  control  primary  elections  by  law.  Formerly 
all  nominations  of  candidates  for  office  were  made  by  volun- 
tary caucuses,  or  by  primary  elections  held  solely  under  the 
direction  of  the  committees  or  managers  of  the  several  parties. 
In  theory,  no  person  not  affiliated  with  a  party  could  vote  in 
its  caucuses.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  such  primary 
elections  were  often  dominated  in  whole  or  in  part  by  voters 
not  in  actual  sympathy  with  such  party.  Delegates  often 
found  themselves  unable  to  carry  out  in  convention  the  pledges 
given  the  voters  at  the  primaries,  by  the  dictation  of  party 
leaders.  The  abuse  became  notorious  before  corrective  meas- 
ures were  devised. 

Governor  Deneen  is  entitled  to  great  credit  for  his  per- 
sistent efforts  to  secure  a  primary  election  law.  Each  one  of 
the  four  laws  enacted  during  Deneen's  administrations  was 
passed  by  Republican  votes ;  hence  the  present  statute,  which 
is  the  outcome  of  previous  experiments,  may  be  regarded  as 
a  distincively  Republican  measure. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  205 

The  first  sentence  in  Governor  Deneen's  first  inaugural 
message  declared:  "Our  state  needs  a  compulsory  primary 
election  law."  Before  referring  to  the  several  direct  primary 
laws  enacted  after  Deneen  became  governor,  previous  legis- 
lation on  the  subject  may  be  briefly  reviewed. 

The  first  attempt  to  regulate  the  holding  of  party  caucuses 
was  made  in  1885.  In  the  city  election  law  of  that  year, 
parties  were  recognized  in  the  selection  of  the  board  of  elec- 
tion commissioners  in  Chicago  and  in  the  appointment  of 
judges  and  clerks.  A  separate  law  was  enacted  the  same 
year,  which  made  it  unlawful  for  any  one  to  vote  at  a  primary 
election  or  caucus  unless  he  was  at  the  time  a  qualified  voter 
under  the  general  election  laws  of  the  state. 

In  1889  an  effort  was  made  to  regulate  the  entire  pro- 
cedure of  nominating  candidates  for  office ;  but  this  law  was 
not  compulsory  upon  political  parties.  Its  use  was  made 
optional  by  the  committees.  When  the  Australian  ballot 
system  was  adopted  in  1891,  the  law  for  the  first  time  assumed 
control  of  many  details  of  elections.  It  regulated  in  a  general 
way  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  elective  offices.  Excep- 
tions were  made  in  the  case  of  certain  school  officers,  and  road 
officers  not  under  township  organization. 

The  first  compulsory  primary  law  was  enacted  in  1898. 
It  directly  applied  only  to  Cook  county,  although  it  author- 
ized any  county,  city  or  incorporated  town  to  adopt  it  by  vote. 
It  was  so  adopted  in  some  cities  and  counties.  In  1899  a  law 
was  passed  regulating  primary  elections;  but  it  applied  only 
to  counties  having  less  than  125,000  population,  which  meant 
the  entire  state  outside  of  Cook  county.  It  was  to  be  in  force 
only  when  adopted  by  popular  vote.  It  was  thus  adopted  in 
several  counties.  In  1901  an  act  was  passed  amending  the 
law  of  1898  and  extending  its  provisions. 


206  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

None  of  these  laws  were  intended  to  secure  a  direct  vote 
of  a  party  upon  the  nomination  of  its  candidates  for  office. 
The  law's  control  was  applied  to  the  selection  of  party  dele- 
gates and  their  action  in  conventions. 

Agitation  for  direct  primaries  began  prior  to  the  act  of 
1901.  In  1904  the  question  whether  such  a  law  should  be 
passed  was  submitted  to  the  people,  who  voted  in  favor  of 
such  a  law.  Drafts  of  lawTs  were  prepared,  and  one  was 
introduced  in  the  legislature  in  1905 ;  but  it  was  not  adopted, 
nor  was  the  principle  of  direct  nominations  recognized  in  the 
primary  election  law  of  that  year. 

The  primary  law  of  May  18,  1905,  was  the  first  which 
applied  to  and  was  compulsory  upon,  the  entire  state.  A 
separate  system  was  created  by  this  law,  which  applied  directly 
to  elections  in  Cook  county.  The  vote  in  the  general  assembly 
was  as  follows:  House  of  representatives,  for  the  bill: 
Republicans,  84 ;  Democrats,  28 ;  against  the  bill :  Democrats, 
18;  Prohibitionists,  1;  Socialists,  1.  In  the  senate,  for  the 
bill :  Republicans,  40 ;  Democrats,  1 ;  against  the  bill :  Repub- 
licans, 1 ;  Democrats,  3. 

This  law  was  declared  unconstitutional  by  the  supreme 
court,  April  5,  1906,  on  four  essential  points,  as  follows: 
That  it  contained  provisions  by  which  the  legislature  attempt- 
ed to  delegate  part  of  its  legislative  functions  to  political 
organizations  in  that  it  allowed  county  managing  committees 
outside  of  Chicago  to  decide  whether  nominations  under  the 
law  should  be  by  pluralities  or  majorities;  that  it  required  the 
payment  of  a  fee  from  the  man  desiring  to  be  a  candidate  for 
the  office,  thus  discriminating  between  the  man  who  has  money 
to  pay  and  the  man  who  has  not ;  that  it  made  a  new  qualifica- 
tion necessary  for  candidates  for  the  state  legislature,  in  the 
provision  that  but  one  candidate  might  be  nominated  from 


CHARLES   S.   DEN  HEX 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  207 

any  one  county  in  a  senatorial  district,  thus  setting  up  a 
geographical  qualification  not  recognized  by  the  constitution ; 
that  it  made  one  set  of  requirements  for  one  part  of  the  state, 
and  another  for  another,  and  that  it  was  in  reality  two  laws 
in  one.  No  state  election  was  ever  held  under  this  law.  The 
supreme  court  declared  the  primary  act  of  1901  to  be  still  in 
force. 

Within  six  hours  after  the  supreme  court  had  rendered  its 
decision,  Governor  Deneen  issued  a  call  for  a  special  session 
of  the  general  assembly  to  convene  April  10.  Another  pri- 
mary election  bill  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  77  to  61.  All 
the  affirmative  votes  were  cast  by  Republicans,  except  one, 
a  Prohibitionist.  The  negative  votes  were  given  by  56  Dem- 
ocrats and  5  Republicans.  There  was  no  opposition  in  the 
senate.  The  law  was  approved  May  23,  and  went  into  effect 
July  1,  1906.  Under  this  law  the  primaries  of  all  parties 
were  held  on  the  same  day  in  all  parts  of  the  state.  Two 
ballots  were  used.  One  contained  the  names  of  all  candidates 
for  nomination ;  the  other  contained  the  names  of  the  delegates 
to  the  convention.  The  vote  on  the  official  ballot  served  as 
instructions  to  the  delegations,  but  they  were  binding  only 
for  one  roll  call.  Primary  elections  were  held  under  this  law 
in  August,  1906.  A  direct  vote  was  also  taken  at  that  time 
for  candidates  for  a  United  States  senator,  to  fill  the  vacancy 
arising  March  4,  1907. 

This  law  was  also  declared  unconstitutional  by  the 
supreme  court  October  2,  1907.  Six  of  the  seven  justices 
concurred  in  the  opinion.  Justice  Carter  dissented.  The 
main  contention  against  the  law  was  that  it  invested  county 
central  committees  with  power  to  create  delegate  districts, 
which  is  the  exclusive  function  of  a  duly  organized  legislative 
body. 


208  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

October  8,  1907,  Governor  Deneen  addressed  to  the  gen- 
eral assembly,  then  in  special  session,  a  message  urging  the 
enactment  of  a  third  primary  law.  During  a  legislative  recess, 
Governor  Deneen  made  a  personal  campaign  in  fifty-three 
counties.  The  legislature  enacted  a  law  which  was  approved 
February  21,  1908.  The  primaries  of  that  year  were  held 
under  this  law.  June  16,  1909,  the  supreme  court  declared 
this  law  unconstitutional.  A  fatal  objection  to  the  law  was 
that  it  invested  senatorial  committees  with  power  to  determine 
the  number  of  representatives  to  be  nominated  in  a  district. 

Governor  Deneen  was  persistent.  December  11,  1909, 
he  re-convened  the  legislature  in  special  session.  A  fourth 
direct  primary  law  was  passed,  which  has  been  upheld  by  the 
supreme  court.  This  in  brief  is  the  story  of  the  struggle  for 
a  compulsory,  state-wide  primary  election  law  in  Illinois. 

The  campaign  of  1906  was  anomalous.  It  marked  the 
passing  of  the  old  convention  system,  which  had  prevailed 
since  the  organization  of  political  parties  in  Illinois.  It  was 
also  during  this  year  that  the  first  imperfect  experiment  was 
made  in  direct  primary  elections. 

These  primaries  were  held  throughout  the  state  August  4. 
They  included  an  advisory  vote  on  United  States  senator. 
Shelby  M.  Cullom  and  Richard  Yates  were  candidates,  and 
the  venerable  senator  proved  an  easy  winner,  although  Mr. 
Yates  made  a  vigorous  canvass. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield 
August  21.  Senator  O.  F.  Berry  was  temporary  chairman, 
and  Speaker  Shurtleff  permanent  presiding  officer.  The  pri- 
mary law  released  the  delegates  from  their  instructions  after 
the  first  ballot;  so  this  convention  actually  nominated  the 
state  ticket.  John  F.  Smulski  was  nominated  for  state  treas- 
urer on  the  second  ballot  over  Andrew  J.  Russel.  Francis 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  209 

Blair  was  nominated  for  superintendent  on  the  second  ballot. 

The  Democrats,  in  state  convention  at  Peoria,  August  22, 
nominated  Nicholas  L.  Piotrowski  for  treasurer,  and  Caroline 
Grote  for  superintendent.  The  Prohibitionist,  Socialist  and 
Socialist-Labor  parties  also  nominated  state  tickets. 

During  the  campaign  the  state  suffered  a  great  loss  in  the 
death  of  Congressman  Hitt.  This  distinguished  statesman 
died  at  his  summer  home  in  Narragansett  Pier,  Rhode  Island, 
September  20.  Mr.  Hitt's  congressional  career  was  long  and 
honorable.  He  was  first  elected  to  succeed  Robert  M.  A. 
Hawk,  who  died  suddenly  in  1882,  and  he  was  returned  at 
every  election  until  his  death,  a  period  of  24  years.  Mr.  Hitt 
was  a  native  of  Ohio,  and  came  with  his  parents  to  Ogle 
county,  Illinois,  at  an  early  age.  His  first  public  service  was 
as  official  stenographer  for  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates.  Mr. 
Hitt  had  a  varied  diplomatic  experience.  He  was  secretary 
of  the  United  States  legation  in  Paris  in  1874.  He  remained 
there  until  1881,  when  he  became  assistant  secretary  of  state. 
He  was  chairman  of  the  committee  on  foreign  relations  in  the 
Fifty-sixth  congress.  In  1898  President  McKinley  appointed 
him  a  member  of  the  commission  to  establish  the  government 
of  Hawaii  on  its  annexation  to  the  United  States.  Mr.  Hitt 
was  Secretary  Elaine's  most  intimate  friend,  and  there  is  a 
tradition  that  Elaine  never  decided  a  diplomatic  question 
without  consulting  the  Illinois  congressman. 

The  November  elections  resulted  in  a  victory  for  the 
Republicans  on  state,  congressional  and  legislative  tickets. 
Smulski  had  a  plurality  of  145,960  over  Piotrowski. 

Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Sixtieth  congress  as  follows : 
First  district,  Martin  B.  Madden ;  Second,  James  R.  Mann  ; 
Third,  William  W.  Wilson ;  Fourth,  James  T.  McDermott : 

Fifth,  Adolph  J.  Sabath;  Sixth,  William  Lorimer;  Seventh, 
15 


210  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Philip  Knopf;  Eighth,  Charles  McGavin;  Ninth,  Henry  S. 
Boutell;  Tenth,  George  Edmund  Foss;  Eleventh,  Howard 
M.  Snapp;  Twelfth,  Charles  E.  Fuller;  Thirteenth,  Frank 
O.  Lowden;  Fourteenth,  James  McKinney;  Fifteenth,  George 
W.  Prince;  Sixteenth,  Joseph  V.  Graff;  Seventeenth,  John 
A.  Sterling;  Eighteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Nineteenth, 
William  B.  McKinley ;  Twentieth,  Henry  T.  Rainey ;  Twen- 
ty-first, Benjamin  F.  Caldwell ;  Twenty-second,  William  A. 
Rodenberg;  Twenty-third,  Martin  D.  Foster;  Twenty- 
fourth,  Pleasant  T.  Chapman;  Twenty-fifth,  George  W. 
Smith.  Messrs.  McDermott,  Sabath,  Rainey,  Caldwell  and 
Foster  were  Democrats.  Congressman  Smith  died  in  office 
and  was  succeeded  by  N.  B.  Thistlewood. 

The  legislature  convened  January  9,  1907.  There  were 
89  Republicans  in  the  house,  61  Democrats  and  three  Prohi- 
bitionists. Edward  D.  Shurtleff  was  re-elected  speaker.  The 
senate  was  composed  of  44  Republicans  and  7  Democrats. 
Stanton  C.  Pemberton  was  chosen  president  pro  tempore. 

The  political  event  of  the  session  was  the  re-election  of 
Shelby  M.  Cullom  United  States  senator.  He  was  the  unan- 
imous choice  of  the  Republican  caucus,  and  received  every  vote 
in  his  party  on  joint  ballot. 


CHAPTER  XX 

CAMPAIGN   OF    1908 — WILLIAM    LORIMER   ELECTED   SENATOR 

—CORRUPTION    SCANDAL MEMBERS    OF    LEGISLATURE 

CONFESS  ACCEPTING  BRIBES LORIMER  EXPELLED  FROM 

THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 

THE  first  notable  event  in  the  campaign  of  1908  in 
Illinois  was  the  national  Republican  convention, 
which  assembled  in  Chicago,  June  16.  President 
Roosevelt  had  repeatedly  declared  that  he  would  not  be  a 
candidate  for  re-election.  In  spite  of  his  persistent  declara- 
tions, he  was  the  first  choice  of  the  convention  and  would  have 
been  nominated  had  he  given  the  slightest  encouragement. 
The  president,  on  the  contrary,  had  chosen  William  Howard 
Taft,  of  Ohio,  as  his  political  heir,  and  such  was  his  influence 
with  his  party  that  his  choice  was  promptly  ratified.  Mr. 
Taft  was  nominated  for  president  on  the  first  ballot.  James 
Schoolcraft  Sherman,  a  member  of  congress  from  the  Twenty- 
seventh  New  York  district,  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 
Senator  Albert  J.  Hopkins,  of  Illinois,  was  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions. 

The  national  Democratic  convention  was  held  in  Denver, 
July  7.  William  Jennings  Bryan  was  nominated  for  president 
for  a  third  time  on  the  first  ballot,  and  John  W.  Kern,  of 
Indiana,  was  named  for  vice-president.  The  Prohibitionist, 
Socialist,  Socialist-Labor,  Independent,  United  Christian  and 
People's  parties  also  nominated  presidential  tickets. 

The  first  primary  election  in  Illinois  for  the  nomination 
of  a  full  state  ticket  was  held  August  8,  1908.  It  was  the 

211 


212  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

only  state-wide  primary  ever  held  under  this  law,  which  was 
declared  unconstitutional  the  following  year.  The  candidates 
for  governor  were  Charles  S.  Deneen  and  Richard  Yates. 
There  were  five  aspirants  for  lieutenant-governor:  John  G. 
Oglesby,  George  Shumway,  Thomas  D.  Knight,  Samuel  J. 
Drew  and  Frank  L.  Smith.  The  office  of  secretary  of  state 
was  sought  by  James  A.  Rose,  Fred  E.  Sterling,  John  J. 
Brown,  Bert  H.  McCann  and  William  F.  Lynch.  The  two 
candidates  for  auditor  were  James  S.  McCullough  and  J.  W. 
Templeton.  Andrew  Russel  was  the  only  candidate  for  treas- 
urer, and  W.  H.  Stead  for  attorney-general.  The  vote  for 
clerk  of  the  supreme  court  was  divided  among  seven  candi- 
dates: Christopher  Mamer,  J.  McCan  Davis,  Edgar  T. 
Davies,  Albert  D.  Calwalader,  James  Kinney,  George  W. 
Fisher  and  George  R.  S.  Hoffman. 

Mr.  Deneen's  plurality  over  Yates  for  governor  was 
1 1 ,949.  John  G.  Oglesby,  a  son  of  the  late  Governor  Richard 
J.  Oglesby,  received  the  highest  vote  for  lieutenant-governor ; 
James  A.  Rose  for  secretary  of  state;  James  S.  McCullough 
for  auditor ;  Andrew  Russel  received  the  full  vote  of  the  party 
for  treasurer,  and  William  H.  Stead  for  attorney-general. 
Albert  J.  Hopkins  received  a  plurality  of  the  advisory  popular 
vote  for  United  States  senator  over  William  E.  Mason, 
George  Edmund  Foss  and  W.  G.  Webster.  J.  McCan  Davis 
received  the  highest  vote  for  clerk  of  the  supreme  court. 

The  Democratic  primaries  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Adlai 
E.  Stevenson  for  governor;  Elmer  A.  Perry,  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor ;  X.  F.  Beidler,  secretary  of  state ;  Ralph  Jeffris,  auditor  ; 
John  B.  Mount,  treasurer;  Ross  C.  Hall,  attorney-general; 
John  L.  Pickering,  clerk  of  the  supreme  court. 

The  Republican  state  convention  assembled  at  Springfield, 
September  9,  to  nominate  four  trustees  for  the  University  of 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  213 

Illinois,  select  presidential  electors  and  adopt  a  platform. 
Speaker  Cannon  presided  and  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  said 
this  republic  was  not  worth  three  hurrahs  in  Hades  if  it  has 
privileged  classes,  rich  or  poor,  wise  or  otherwise. 

The  platform  approved  the  administrations  of  President 
Roosevelt  and  Governor  Deneen,  commended  Senator  Hop- 
kins and  approved  the  plan  for  lakes-to-the-gulf  waterway. 

At  the  November  elections  the  Taft  electors  received 
629,932  votes  in  Illinois;  Bryan,  450,810.  Taft's  plurality 
was  179,122.  Deneen's  plurality  over  Stevenson  for  governor 
was  23,164.  Both  branches  of  the  legislature  were  Repub- 
lican, and  the  party  elected  nineteen  of  the  twenty-five  con- 
gressmen. Illinois  was  represented  in  the  Sixty-first  congress 
as  follows :  First  district,  Martin  B.  Madden  ;  Second,  James 
R.  Mann;  Third,  William  W.  Wilson;  Fourth,  James  T. 
McDermott ;  Fifth,  Adolph  J.  Sabath ;  Sixth,  William  Lor- 
imer;  Seventh,  Fred  Lundin;  Eighth,  Thomas  Gallagher; 
Ninth,  Henry  S.  Boutell;  Tenth,  George  Edmund  Foss; 
Eleventh,  Howard  M.  Snapp;  Twelfth,  Charles  E.  Fuller; 
Thirteenth,  Frank  O.  Lowden ;  Fourteenth,  James  McKin- 
ney;  Fifteenth,  George  W.  Prince;  Sixteenth,  Joseph  V. 
Graff:  Seventeenth,  John  A.  Sterling;  Eighteenth,  Joseph 
G.  Cannon ;  Nineteenth,  William  B.  McKinley ;  Twentieth, 
Henry  T.  Rainey ;  Twenty-first,  James  M.  Graham ;  Twen- 
ty-second, William  A.  Rodenberg;  Twenty-third,  Martin 
D.  Foster;  Twenty- fourth,  Pleasant  T.  Chapman;  Twenty- 
fifth,  N.  B.  Thistlewood.  Messrs.  McDermott,  Gallagher, 
Rainey,  Graham,  Foster  and  Sabath  were  Democrats. 

A  referendum  vote  was  taken  on  the  proposition  to  amend 
the  constitution  to  permit  an  issue  of  bonds  not  to  exceed 
$20,000,000  for  the  construction  of  a  deep  waterway  between 
Lockport  and  Utica,  and  for  the  equipment  and  maintenance 


214  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

of  dams,  locks,  bridges  and  power  plants.  The  amendment 
was  carried  by  a  vote  of  692,822  to  195,177.  A  proposition 
to  amend  the  general  banking  law  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
473,755  to  108,553. 

The  legislature  convened  January  6,  1909.  There  were 
38  Republicans  and  11  Democrats  in  the  senate,  and  89 
Republicans  and  64  Democrats  in  the  house.  E.  D.  Shurtleff 
was  a  candidate  for  re-election  as  speaker,  but  he  had  broken 
with  Governor  Deneen  and  could  not  secure  full  Republican 
support.  His  friends  formed  a  bi-partisan  alliance  with  the 
Democrats,  struck  a  bargain  for  committeeships,  and  Shurtleff 
was  elected. 

January  19  the  legislature  began  the  task  of  electing  a 
United  States  senator.  Mr.  Hopkins'  term  would  expire 
March  4.  He  had  been  endorsed  at  the  primaries  the  preced- 
ing August,  and  this  fact  gave  him  a  moral  claim  to  another 
term.  But  he  could  not  command  the  votes.  A  deadlock 
continued  until  May  26,  when  William  Lorimer  was  elected 
senator  on  the  ninety-fifth  ballot  by  a  second  bi-partisan 
alliance.  He  received  108  votes,  55  Republican  and  53 
Democratic.  Mr.  Lorimer  had  represented  a  Chicago  district 
in  congress  continuously  since  1895,  with  the  exception  of  two 
years,  from  1891  to  1893.  He  was  the  son  of  a  Presbyterian 
clergyman,  and  was  born  in  Manchester,  England.  His 
father  came  to  America  and  died  a  few  years  later.  The  son 
began  life  as  a  bootblack  and  newsboy  and  later  he  became  a 
street  car  conductor. 

April  30,  1910,  the  Chicago  Tribune  published  a  confes- 
sion of  Charles  A.  White,  a  Democratic  representative  from 
the  Forty-ninth  district,  that  he  had  received  $1,000  from 
Lee  O'Neil  Browne  for  his  vote  for  Mr.  Lorimer.  May  5, 
H.  J.  C.  Beckemeyer,  a  Democrat,  representing  the  Forty- 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  215 

second  district,  made  a  similar  confession.  Two  days  later, 
Michael  S.  Link,  a  Democratic  representative  from  the  Forty- 
seventh  district,  also  confessed  that  he  had  received  the  same 
amount.  Lee  O'Neil  Browne  resided  at  Ottawa,  and  repre- 
sented the  Thirty-ninth  district  as  a  Democrat.  He  was 
promptly  indicted  for  bribery  by  the  Cook  county  grand  jury. 
The  first  trial  ended  in  a  disagreement  of  the  jury,  and  the 
second  trial  resulted  September  9  in  his  acquittal.  Mean- 
while, May  28,  1910,  State  Senator  Holstlaw  confessed  be- 
fore the  grand  jury  in  Sangamon  county  that  he  had  received 
$2,500  for  his  vote  for  Lorimer. 

These  charges  demanded  the  attention  of  the  United 
States  senate,  which  has  exclusive  authority  to  determine  the 
rights  of  claimants  to  their  seats.  A  dramatic  incident 
occurred  September  8,  when  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  was 
then  at  Freeport,  Illinois,  sent  a  message  to  the  Hamilton 
club  in  Chicago,  declining  to  attend  its  banquet  in  the  evening 
if  Senator  Lorimer  was  to  be  a  guest  of  honor.  The  com- 
mittee promptly  recalled  the  invitation  extended  to  Senator 
Lorimer,  and  Colonel  Roosevelt  attended  the  function.  The 
investigating  committee,  which  had  been  announced  in  June, 
began  its  inquiry  September  20,  in  Chicago,  and  finished 
October  8.  Senator  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  was  chairman. 
December  12  a  sub-committee  submitted  a  report  which 
exonerated  Mr.  Lorimer.  His  title  to  his  seat  was  vindicated 
on  the  ground  that,  while  there  was  bribery,  there  was  not 
sufficient  bribery  proved  to  destroy  his  majority  of  fourteen 
votes.  A  minority  of  the  committee,  headed  by  Senator 
Beveridge,  reported  January  9,  1911,  that  Mr.  Lorimer  was 
not  legally  elected. 

February  22  Senator  Lorimer  made  a  remarkable  speech 
in  the  senate.  He  met  the  issue  squarely  and  said  it  was  not 


216  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

a  matter  of  sympathy,  but  of  right  or  wrong.  The  speech  was 
a  masterpiece  of  human  interest,  and  several  of  his  colleagues 
were  moved  to  tears. 

March  1,  1911,  the  senate,  by  a  vote  of  forty-six  to  forty, 
declared  that  Mr.  Lorimer  had  been  duly  elected  a  member 
of  the  United  States  senate.  Senator  Cullom  upheld  his 
colleague's  right  to  his  seat. 

While  the  senatorial  inquiry  was  in  progress,  the  people 
of  Illinois  were  determined  to  know  the  truth  of  the  scandal. 
January  4,  1911,  the  Illinois  state  senate  appointed  a  com- 
mittee, under  the  leadership  of  Senator  Helm,  to  investigate 
charges  of  corruption  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Lorimer.  On  the 
following  day  D.  W.  Holstlaw  resigned  as  a  member  of  the 
senate.  The  most  sensational  feature  of  the  Helm  inquiry 
developed  April  6,  when  C.  S.  Funk  testified  before  the 
committee  that  Edward  Hines  asked  the  International  Har- 
vester Company  to  contribute  $10,000  toward  a  fund  of 
$100,000  that  had  been  spsnt  in  electing  Lorimer.  May  17 
the  Helm  committee  unanimously  reported  its  conclusion  that 
Lorimer  would  not  have  been  elected  except  by  bribery  and 
corruption.  On  the  following  day,  the  senate,  by  a  vote  of 
thirty-nine  to  ten,  declared  its  belief  that  Lorimer  had  been 
elected  by  corruption. 

The  incoming  of  a  new  congress,  with  changes  in  the 
senate,  made  it  possible  to  reopen  the  inquiry.  Senator  Lor- 
imer's  friends  pressed  the  technical  point  of  "res  adjudicata." 
This  means  that  a  case,  having  been  adjudicated,  is  not  subject 
to  re-hearing.  But  the  senate  would  not  apply  the  principle 
in  this  case.  April  6,  Senator  La  Follette  introduced  a  resolu- 
tion to  reopen  the  Lorimer  case;  and  June  1  the  senate 
unanimously  voted  for  another  investigation,  to  be  conducted 
by  the  committee  on  privileges  and  elections.  This  committee, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  217 

with  Senator  Dillingham  as  chairman,  began  its  inquiry  June 
20,  in  Washington,  continued  it  in  Chicago  in  the  autumn, 
and  finished  the  inquiry  in  Washington  February  9,  1912. 
Two  reports  were  presented.  The  majority,  signed  by  five 
members,  decided  that  Senator  Lorimer  was  entitled  to  his 
seat.  The  minority  report  was  signed  by  three  members. 
Chairman  Dillingham's  colleagues  on  the  investigating  com- 
mittee were  Senators  Gamble,  Jones,  Kenyon,  Johnson, 
Fletcher,  Kern  and  Lee. 

The  final  battle  on  the  floor  of  the  senate  was  delayed 
until  after  the  presidential  and  other  primaries  had  been  held 
in  the  states.  June  4  Senator  Kern,  of  Indiana,  opened  the 
fight  for  Mr.  Lorimer's  expulsion.  The  debate  continued 
at  intervals  until  July  13,  when  the  senate,  by  a  vote  of  fifty- 
five  to  twenty-eight,  adopted  the  following  resolution: 
"Resolved,  That  corrupt  methods  and  practices  were  employed 
in  the  election  of  William  Lorimer  to  the  senate  of  the 
United  States  from  the  state  of  Illinois,  and  that  his  election, 
therefore,  was  invalid."  Eight  other  senators  were  paired, 
and  two  did  not  vote.  Senator  Cullom  voted  to  unseat  his 
colleague. 

During  the  agitation  of  the  Lorimer  case,  which  con- 
vulsed the  country  more  than  two  years,  Mr.  Lorimer's 
private  life  was  conceded,  even  by  his  enemies,  to  be  above 
reproach.  Thus  there  came  to  be  two  facts  in  the  public 
mind:  Lorimer  and  "Lorimerism."  This  distinction  was 
admirably  made  in  the  final  paragraph  of  Senator  Kern's 
speech.  He  said:  "Mr.  President,  it  is  not  to  William 
Lorimer,  the  self-made  man,  the  devoted  head  of  an  interest- 
ing family,  that  objection  is  made.  That  William  Lorimer 
will  have  the  approval  of  every  man  of  generous  impulses ;  but 
the  system  of  which  William  Lorimer  is  a  part,  the 


218  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

system  which  undertakes  by  corrupt  methods  to  thwart 
the  popular  will,  must  be  condemned.  It  is  the  William 
Lorimer  who  represents  these  methods,  who  carries  them 
out  through  the  Lee  O'Neil  Brownes  and  the  Brodericks, 
that  is  on  trial  here,  and  who  must  stand  or  fall,  not  because 
of  his  personal  or  domestic  qualities,  but  by  the  record  he  has 
made  in  this  senatorial  contest  and  the  acts  of  his  accredited 
agents.  We  may  regard  the  man  with  admiration  because  of 
good  personal  qualities;  but  the  vicious  system  of  politics, 
which  stifles  patriotic  sentiment,  belittles  popular  rights, 
and  corrupts  the  very  fountain-head  of  American  liberty,  must 
receive  condemnation  at  the  hands  of  the  American  senate." 
William  Lorimer  is  the  only  man  who  has  ever  been 
actually  expelled  from  the  United  States  senate  because  of 
an  election  secured  through  corruption.  On  the  day  that 
Mr.  Lorimer  was  expelled  former  Senator  Hopkins  sent  a 
message  to  the  Chicago  Tribune,  claiming  that  he  was  still 
the  logical  candidate  of  his  party  for  senator.  If  there  was 
no  election  of  a  senator  May  26,  1909,  there  has  never  been 
a  vacancy,  under  a  strict  construction  of  the  law,  and  Govern- 
or Deneen  has  no  power  to  name  a  successor.  Attorney-gen- 
eral Stead  has  given  an  opinion  to  this  effect. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

CAMPAIGN  OF   1910 — SPECIAL  ELECTION  SUBMITTING  QUES- 
TIONS    OF      REFERENDUM     AND      RECALL STATE-WIDE 

CIVIL  SERVICE  LAW  AND  CORRUPT  PRACTICE  ACT. 

THE  primary  election  law  now  in  force  in  Illinois  pro- 
vides that  primaries  for  the  nomination  of  officers  to 
be  elected  in  November  shall  be  held  on  the  second 
Tuesday  in  April.  The  law,  however,  was  not  approved  until 
March  9,  1910,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  make  an 
exception  for  that  year.  .The  primaries  were  held  September 
15.  Edward  E.  Mitchell,  Republican,  was  nominated  over 
James  W.  Templeton,  and  Francis  G.  Blair  was  nominated 
for  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  At  the  Democratic 
primaries  Alphaus  K.  Hartley  was  nominated  for  state  treas- 
urer, and  Conrad  M.  Bardwell  for  superintendent. 

Three  insurgent  candidates  for  congress  were  nominated 
over  standpatters.  F.  H.  Gansbergen  defeated  Henry  S. 
Boutell  in  the  Ninth  district,  but  was  defeated  in  November. 
Colonel  Ira  C.  Copley,  the  first  man  to  announce  himself  as 
an  insurgent  candidate,  defeated  George  W.  Conn.  Con- 
gressman Lowden  had  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for  renom- 
ination,  and  J.  C.  McKenzie,  a  Progressive,  was  nominated 
in  the  Thirteenth  district. 

The  Republican  state  convention  for  1910  was  held  at 
Springfield,  September  23.  Mrs.  Mary  A.  Busey,  O.  W. 
Hoyt  and  W.  L.  Abbott  were  nominated  for  trustees  of  the 
state  university.  The  platform  favored  the  appointment  of 
a  permanent  tariff  commission,  commended  the  state-wide 

219 


220  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

civil  service  law  for  Illinois,  the  abrogation  of  minority  repre- 
sentation, simplifying  the  process  of  securing  commission  form 
of  government,  favored  the  initiative  and  referendum,  direct 
vote  for  United  States  senator,  and  denounced  recent  legis- 
lative scandals.  Speeches  were  made  by  Governor  Deneen, 
Speaker  Cannon  and  Congressman  Prince. 

Edward  E.  Mitchell  was  elected  treasurer  over  Hartley, 
Democrat,  by  a  plurality  of  60,438.  Francis  G.  Blair  was 
elected  superintendent  over  Bardwell,  Democrat,  by  59,462 
plurality.  The  Republicans  secured  a  majority  in  both 
branches  of  the  legislature  and  elected  fourteen  congressmen. 
Illinois  is  represented  in  the  present  congress  by  the  following : 
First  district,  Martin  B.  Madden ;  Second,  James  R.  Mann ; 
Third,  William  W.  Wilson ;  Fourth,  James  T.  McDermott ; 
Fifth,  Adolph  J.  Sabath;  Sixth,  Edmund  J.  Stack;  Seventh, 
Frank  Buchanan;  Eighth,  Thomas  Gallagher;  Ninth,  Lyn- 
den  Evans;  Tenth,  George  Edmund  Foss;  Eleventh,  Ira  C. 
Copley;  Twelfth,  Charles  E.  Fuller;  Thirteenth,  John  C. 
McKenzie ;  Fourteenth,  James  McKinney ;  Fifteenth,  George 
W.  Prince;  Sixteenth,  Claude  U.  Stone;  Seventeenth,  John 
A.  Sterling;  Eighteenth,  Joseph  G.  Cannon;  Nineteenth, 
William  B.  McKinley ;  Twentieth,  Henry  T.  Rainey ;  Twen- 
ty-first, James  M.  Graham;  Twenty-second,  William  A. 
Rodenberg;  Twenty-third,  Martin  D.  Foster;  Twenty- 
fourth,  H.  Robert  Fowler;  Twenty-fifth,  N.  B.  Thistlewood. 
McDermott,  Sabath,  Stack,  Buchanan,  Gallagher,  Stone, 
Rainey,  Graham,  Foster,  Fowler  and  Evans  are  Democrats. 

A  feature  of  the  election  was  the  large  plurality  of  Con- 
gressman Fuller  in  the  Twelfth  district.  He  led  J.  W. 
Rausch,  his  Democratic  rival,  by  a  plurality  of  11,480.  This 
was  the  largest  plurality  received  by  any  congressman  in 
Illinois  and  possibly  in  the  United  States.  Mr.  Fuller  enjoys 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  221 

the  distinction  of  never  having  been  defeated  for  any  office  by 
a  vote  of  the  people.  He  was  in  the  state  senate  eight  years, 
in  the  house  six  years,  and  judge  in  the  Seventeenth  circuit  six 
years.  He  has  been  in  congress  ten  years.  His  public  life 
covers  thirty  years,  practically  without  a  break,  besides  offices 
of  a  local  nature.  At  the  primaries  in  1912  Mr.  Fuller  re- 
ceived 21,290  votes.  This  is  the  largest  vote  received  by  any 
candidate  of  any  party  for  congressman. 

A  special  election  was  held  November  8,  at  which  the 
people  voted  on  the  proposition  that  the  legislature  should 
submit  an  amendment  to  the  state  constitution  providing  for 
the  initiative  and  referendum;  for  a  state  civil  service  law, 
and  a  corrupt  practices  act  limiting-  the  expenditures  of  a 
candidate  for  office.  All  of  these  measures  were  carried  by 
large  majorities. 

The  assembly  convened  January  4,  1911.  Charles  Adkins, 
of  Piatt,  was  chosen  speaker. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1912 FIRST  PRESIDENTIAL  PRIMARY — ROOSE- 
VELT  WINS — DENEEN   RENOMINATED    FOR   GOVERNOR 

SHERMAN  DEFEATS  CULLOM   FOR  SENATOR — DEATH  OF 
SECRETARY  ROSE C.  J.  DOYLE  APPOINTED. 

THE  campaign  of  1912  began  in  the  closing  months  of 
the  preceding  year.  There  were  several  features 
which  made  it  one  of  the  most  remarkable  contests 
in  the  history  of  the  state.  Some  of  these  may  be  briefly  noted. 
The  April  primary  was  the  most  successful  test  of  a  state- 
wide law  that  had  been  made.  Lorimerism  was  an  issue,  and 
the  primary  was  the  first  opportunity  that  had  been  afforded 
the  people  for  expressing  their  belief  that  money  had  been 
corruptly  used  in  Mr.  Lorimer's  election  to  the  United  States 
senate.  The  presidential  primary  was  an  innovation,  and 
proved  a  popular  measure.  The  personal  touch  was  given  by 
the  unusually  large  number  of  aspirants  for  the  various  state 
offices. 

There  were  eight  candidates  for  governor  on  the  Repub- 
lican ticket,  four  on  the  Democratic,  one  on  the  Prohibitionist 
and  one  on  the  Socialist.  The  Republican  candidates  were 
Charles  S.  Deneen,  Len  Small,  John  E.  W.  Wayman,  Charles 
F.  Hurburgh,  John  J.  Brown,  Walter  C.  Jones,  J.  McCan 
Davis,  Richard  Yates.  All  these  gentlemen,  except  Mr. 
Davis,  made  active  personal  campaigns  of  the  entire  state. 
Governor  Deneen  established  a  precedent  in  asking  for  a  third 
consecutive  term.  He  made  his  fight  on  his  record  as  governor, 
and  presented  a  convincing  appeal  to  the  conservative  voters 

222 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  223 

of  the  state.  Mr.  Jones,  a  state  senator  from  the  Fifth  district, 
conducted  his  campaign  as  a  progressive,  and  made  able 
speeches  in  defense  of  the  five  planks  of  his  platform,  which 
were  a  direct  primary  law,  popular  election  of  United  States 
senators,  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall.  Len  Small 
opposed  the  last  three  measurers  espoused  by  Mr.  Jones.  He 
was  accompanied  by  Senator  Lorimer,  who  presented  argu- 
ments against  these  innovations  that  commanded  a  respectful 
hearing.  Mr.  Hurburgh,  a  senator  from  the  Forty-third  dis- 
trict, conducted  his  campaign  on  the  issue  of  greater  economy 
in  state  administration. 

John  G.  Oglesby  sought  renomination  for  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and  was  opposed  by  Kinnie  A.  Ostewig.  James  A.  Rose 
asked  a  fifth  term  as  secretary  of  state.  His  opponent  was 
Chester  W.  Church.  James  S.  McCullough  desired  another 
term  as  auditor.  John  K.  Ball  and  George  A.  Smith  were 
also  candidates.  There  were  four  candidates  for  treasurer: 
Andrew  Russel,  Louis  L.  Emmerson,  William  E.  Rothermel 
and  Herman  R.  Heimberger.  The  office  of  attorney-general 
was  sought  by  William  H.  Stead,  Frank  R.  Reid  and  John 
B.  Weaver. 

There  were  four  candidates  for  United  States  senator: 
Lawrence  Y.  Sherman,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  Hugh  S.  Magill 
and  William  Grant  Webster.  Senator  Cullom  made  no 
canvass.  Mr.  Sherman  conducted  a  vigorous  campaign  and 
inspired  confidence  among  the  people.  Mr.  Magill  repre- 
sented the  Progressive  wing  of  the  party  and  strengthened  his 
reputation  as  a  vigorous  speaker. 

Under  the  last  congressional  apportionment,  based  on  the 
census  of  1910,  Illinois  is  entitled  to  twenty-seven  congress- 
men. The  legislature  failed  to  make  a  re-apportionment,  and 


224  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  state  will  therefore  elect  two  congressmen  from  the  state 
at  large.  There  were  ten  candidates. 

The  spectacular  feature  of  the  closing  days  of  the  cam- 
paign was  Theodore  Roosevelt's  tour  through  the  state. 
Illinois  was  regarded  as  a  pivotal  state,  whose  action  would 
determine  that  of  other  states.  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  the 
choice  of  the  people,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  greatly 
added  to  his  plurality  by  his  brief  visit  on  the  eve  of  election, 
which  in  turn  had  its  moral  effect  upon  other  sections  of  the 
country. 

March  25  Governor  Deneen  called  the  legislature  in 
special  session  to  pass  a  presidential  preferential  primary  act. 
The  senate  promptly  passed  a  bill,  which  on  March  30  was 
accepted  without  change  by  the  house  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
and  was  immediately  approved  by  the  governor.  Illinois 
was  the  eighth  state  to  pass  a  presidential  primary  law. 
Oregon  was  the  first  and  was  followed  by  New  Jersey, 
Wisconsin,  Nebraska,  California,  North  Dakota  and  Mass- 
achusetts. 

The  primary  election  was  held  April  9.  Theodore  Roose- 
velt carried  the  state  for  president  by  a  large  plurality  over 
President  Taft  and  Robert  M.  La  Follette.  Roosevelt  carried 
ninety-seven  counties  and  received  266,917  votes.  Taft 
carried  five  counties  and  received  127,481.  Roosevelt's 
plurality  was  139,436.  La  Follette  received  42,692  votes. 

Governor  Deneen  carried  fifty-four  counties,  and  his  vote 
was  152,997.  He  had  a  plurality  over  Len  Small  of  64,168. 
Wayman  was  third  in  the  race,  and  Yates  fourth. 

Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  received  178,063  votes  for  United 
States  senator.  He  carried  sixty-four  counties.  This  gave 
him  a  plurality  of  48,688  over  Senator  Cullom,  who  carried 
thirty-two  counties. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  225 

James  A.  Rose  carried  every  county  in  the  state  for  sec- 
retary of  state.  John  G.  Oglesby  was  nominated  lieutenant- 
governor;  James  S.  McCullough,  auditor;  Andrew  Russel, 
treasurer ;  W.  H.  Stead,  attorney-general. 

William  E.  Mason  and  B.  M.  Chiperfield  were  nom- 
inated congressmen-at-large.  Mason  carried  ninety-seven 
counties,  and  Chiperfield  seventy-nine.  Other  congressmen 
in  the  order  of  their  districts  were  nominated,  as  follows: 
M.  B.  Madden,  James  R.  Mann,  W.  W.  Wilson,  C.  J. 
Tomkiewicz,  J.  Gartenstein,  Arthur  W.  Fulton,  Niels  Juul, 
W.  G.  Hermann,  Fred  A.  Britten,  George  E.  Foss,  Ira  C. 
Copley,  Charles  E.  Fuller,  J.  C.  McKenzie,  Charles  J.  Searle, 
G.  W.  Prince,  F.  H.  Smith,  J.  A.  Sterling,  Joseph  G.  Cannon, 
W.  B.  McKinley,  no  candidate  in  Twentieth  district,  H. 
Clay  Wilson,  W.  A.  Rodenberg,  R.  B.  Clark,  J.  B.  Blackman, 
N.  B.  Thistlewood.  Congressman  Prince,  if  he  finishes 
another  term,  will  have  served  twenty  years.  Members  of 
the  state  central  committee  were  elected  as  follows :  Chauncey 
Dewey,  Roy  O.  West,  Charles  W.  Vail,  Thomas  J.  Healy, 
Max  Levitan,  George  E.  Nye,  Kai  P.  Hammer,  John  F. 
Devine,  Francis  A.  Becker,  Henry  D.  Capitian,  Richard  J. 
Barr,  Charles  E.  Hook,  Delos  W.  Baxter,  Walter  A.  Rosen- 
field,  Charles  H.  Williamson,  Garrett  De  F.  Kinney,  Frank 
L.  Smith,  John  H.  Harrison,  Charles  G.  Eckhart,  Homer  J. 
Tice,  Lewis  H.  Miner,  W.  C.  Hadley,  Alfred  H.  Jones,  W. 
S.  Phillips,  James  A.  White.  Roy  O.  West  was  chosen  chair- 
man, and  is  also  serving  as  a  member  of  the  national  committee 
for  Illinois.  C.  J.  Doyle,  at  this  writing,  is  secretary  of  the 
state  committee.  Mr.  Dewey  tendered  his  resignation  as  a 
member  after  the  Chicago  convention. 

An  incident  of  the  primaries  is  the  retirement  of  Shelby 
M.  Cullom  from  the  United  States  senate  after  a  service  of 

16 


226  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

thirty  consecutive  years.  This  is  twelve  years  longer  than 
the  time  served  by  his  nearest  Illinois  rival,  Lyman  Trumbull. 
Scarcely  a  half  dozen  men  in  the  history  of  the  government 
have  had  such  a  career  in  the  senate.  Mr.  Cullom  was  first 
elected  in  1883  to  succeed  David  Davis. 

Mr.  Cullom's  senatorial  career  is  only  one  of  his  achieve- 
ments as  an  office-holder.  He  has  served  eight  years  in  the 
lower  house  of  the  Illinois  legislature,  being  elected  in  1856, 
1860,1872  and  1874.  From  1865  to  1871,  six  years,  he 
represented  the  Eighth  Illinois  district  in  congress,  and  from 
1877  to  1883  he  was  governor  of  the  state. 

This  is  a  total  of  an  even  half  century  of  public  life.  But 
this  is  not  all.  He  has  been  city  attorney  of  Springfield.  He 
was  speaker  of  the  Illinois  house  four  years,  from  1861  to 
1863,  and  from  1873  to  1875.  He  was  a  Fillmore  presidential 
elector  in  1856;  chairman  of  the  Illinois  delegation  at  the 
national  Republican  convention  in  1872  and  nominated  Gen- 
eral Grant  for  president;  was  a  delegate  to  the  national 
convention  in  1884;  and  a  member  of  a  commission  appointed 
by  President  McKinley  to  prepare  a  system  of  government 
for  the  Hawaiian  islands.  Mr.  Cullom  cannot  say  from  the 
heart  that  republics  are  ungrateful. 

This  remarkable  career  is  admirably  summarized  by 
Colonel  Clark  E.  Carr  in  his  "Illini"  as  follows:  "He 
entered  public  life  when  Lincoln  and  Douglas  were  at  the 
zenith  of  their  fame  and  has  served  cotemporaneously  with 
Yates,  Trumbull,  Palmer,  Logan,  Oglesby,  Davis  and  other 
distinguished  Illinoisans.  He  is  a  plain,  practical,  sincere, 
earnest  man,  and  while  his  friends  can  point  to  nothing  bril- 
liant in  his  utterances,  neither  malice  nor  envy  can  find  any- 
thing foolish  or  frivolous  upon  the  innumerable  pages  of  the 
Congressional  Record  where  his  speeches  are  printed.  Scarcely 


SHELBY   M.   CULLOM 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  227 

any  man  in  congress  is  so  richly  endowed  with  the  genius  of 
common  sense.  Senator  Cullom  is  not  so  brilliant  as  was 
Yates ;  he  is  not  so  logical  and  incisive  as  was  Trumbull ;  he 
is  not  so  aggressive  as  was  Logan ;  he  has  none  of  the  magnetic 
power  of  Oglesby ;  Davis,  Browning  and  Palmer  all  excelled 
him  as  lawyers;  yet  still  it  may  be  doubted  whether,  outside 
the  military  service,  and  always  excepting  Lincoln  and 
Douglas,  any  other  Illinoisan  has  accomplished  more  for  his 
state  and  country." 

The  Democratic  primaries  resulted  in  the  nomination  of 
Edward  F.  Dunne  for  governor.  The  Prohibitionists  nom- 
inated Edwin  R.  Worrell,  and  the  Socialists,  John  C. 
Kennedy. 

The  Republican  state  convention  met  at  Springfield,  April 
19.  It  was  one  of  the  shortest  on  record,  and,  in  view  of  the 
long  and  spirited  campaign,  it  was  one  of  general  good  feeling. 
Party  chiefs  buried  the  hatchet  and  smoked  the  pipe  of  peace. 
Presidential  electors  were  chosen  as  follows:  George  Postel, 
Solon  W.  Crowell,  George  W.  Dixon,  Axel  Chytraus,  Wil- 
liam Chalmers  Covert,  James  Rosenthal,  Harry  B.  Staver, 
Edward  R.  Litzinger,  Isaac  Shapiro,  Ninian  H.  Welch, 
Irwin  R.  Hazen,  John  F.  Haas,  John  R.  Philip,  Benjamin 
H.  Miller,  William  Grote,  Samuel  D.  Holderman,  Delos 
W.  Baxter,  John  Y.  Whiteman,  John  C.  Work,  William  J. 
Conzelman,  John  Y.  Chisholm,  Thomas  G.  Vennum,  Charles 
D.  Thomas,  Theodore  S.  Chapman,  Frank  R.  Milnor,  Louis 
F.  Lumaghi,  John  J.  Brown,  Noah  C.  Bainum,  George  E. 
Martin.  Messrs.  Covert,  Counselman,  Chrisholm  and  Thom- 
as resigned,  and  their  places  were  filled  by  the  state  central 
committee. 

The  platform  endorsed  the  administration  of  President 
Taft,  eulogized  at  length  the  achievements  of  Theodore 


228  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

Roosevelt,  and  instructed  the  delegates-at-large  to  vote  for 
his  nomination.  The  state  administration  was  endorsed,  de- 
mands were  made  for  changes  in  the  primary  law,  and  jackpot 
methods  were  condemned. 

Early  in  1912  President  Taft  appointed  Miss  Julia  C. 
Lathrop,  of  Rockford,  to  the  newly  created  office  of  chief  of 
the  children's  bureau  at  Washington.  Miss  Lathrop  is  the 
first  woman  to  be  appointed  head  of  a  government  department. 
She  is  a  daughter  of  the  late  William  Lathrop,  who  repre- 
sented the  Rockford  district  in  congress  from  1877  to  1879. 
Miss  Lathrop  has  served  several  years  as  a  member  of  the 
state  board  of  charities,  and  has  been  associated  with  Miss 
Jane  Addams,  of  Hull  House. 

James  A.  Rose,  secretary  of  state  of  Illinois  since  1897, 
died  suddenly  in  Springfield,  May  29.  Death  followed  hem- 
orhage  of  the  stomach,  with  which  the  secretary  had  been 
attacked  the  previous  evening.  The  funeral  was  held  May 
31  at  Golconda,  Pope  county,  the  former  home  of  Mr.  Rose. 
Services  were  held  in  the  First  Presbyterian  church,  of  which 
the  secretary  had  been  an  elder.  The  obsequies  were  attended 
by  Governor  Deneen,  other  state  officers,  members  of  the 
general  assembly  and  detachments  of  the  national  guard. 

Mr.  Rose  was  born  in  Golconda,  October  13,  1850.  He 
was  elected  superintendent  of  schools  of  Pope  county  in  1873, 
and  state's  attorney  in  1881.  During  Governor  Fifer's  ad- 
ministration he  was  trustee  of  the  reformatory  at  Pontiac  and 
commissioner  of  the  penitentiary  at  Chester.  He  was  elected 
secretary  of  state  in  1896,  and  re-elected  in  1900,  1904  and 
1908.  He  had  thus  served  more  than  fifteen  years,  the  longest 
term  of  service  in  the  history  of  the  state.  Mr.  Rose  began 
in  1903  the  biennial  publication  of  the  "Blue  Book,"  an 
invaluable  manual  of  information  concerning  the  political 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  229 

history  of  the  state.  Illinois  lost  a  capable  public  servant 
of  the  old  school  in  the  death  of  Mr.  Rose. 

The  importance  of  the  secretary's  office  required  that  a 
successor  to  Mr.  Rose  be  chosen  without  delay.  June  1  Gov- 
ernor Deneen  appointed  Cornelius  J.  Doyle  to  fill  the  unex- 
pired  term.  The  same  day  Mr.  Doyle  was  selected  as  the 
candidate  for  the  office  by  the  state  central  committee. 

Mr.  Doyle's  rise  has  been  rapid.  He  was  born  in  Carlin- 
ville,  Illinois,  December  6,  1871.  His  first  office  was  that  of 
parole  agent  for  the  Chester  penitentiary,  to  which  he  was 
appointed  by  Governor  Yates.  He  was  subsequently  appointed 
secretary  of  the  state  board  of  arbitration  by  the  same  execu- 
tive, and  held  the  office  during  Governor  Deneen's  first  term. 
He  resigned  this  office  to  become  general  attorney  for  the  state 
insurance  department.  His  next  office  was  that  of  state  fire 
marshal,  to  which  he  was  appointed  by  Governor  Deneen. 
Mr.  Doyle  is  a  lawyer  of  ability.  He  was  one  of  the  attorneys 
for  Caleb  Powers,  and  argued  the  petition  before  Governor 
Willson,  of  Kentucky,  which  resulted  in  his  pardon. 

Chester  W.  Church,  a  member  of  the  house  from  the 
Eleventh  district  in  Chicago,  who  had  been  a  candidate  for 
secretary  of  state  at  the  primaries  in  April,  attempted  to  have 
his  name  placed  on  the  Republican  ticket.  He  introduced  a 
bill  providing  that  in  the  event  the  high  man  dies  or  becomes 
ineligible  between  the  time  for  closing  nominating  petitions 
and  the  time  the  official  vote  is  canvassed,  the  second  man 
in  the  race  shall  be  declared  the  nominee.  Mr.  Church  was 
the  only  contestant  against  Mr.  Rose  at  the  primaries,  and 
his  bill  would  therefore  apply  to  his  own  case.  The  bill  was 
laid  on  the  table  by  a  ruling  of  Speaker  Adkins.  Mr.  Church 
also  attempted  to  secure  a  writ  of  mandamus  to  compel  the 
state  board  of  canvassers  to  certify  his  name  to  the  secretary 


230  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

of  state  as  the  Republican  candidate.  He  contended  that  in 
view  of  Mr.  Rose's  death,  his  own  name  should  be  certified. 
The  supreme  court  held  that  the  duties  of  the  canvassers 
are  purely  ministerial,  and  that  they  cannot  inquire  whether 
any  of  the  candidates  have  died  since  the  primary  election  was 
held. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  AT  CHICAGO RENOM- 

INATION  OF  TAFT  AND  SHERMAN — PROGRESSIVES   BOLT 

AND  NOMINATE  ROOSEVELT  AND  MARSHALL A  FINAL 

WORD. 

THE  fifteenth  national  Republican  convention  assem- 
bled in  Chicago,  June  18,  1912.  There  were  1,078 
delegates.  Illinois  was  represented  by  fifty-eight 
delegates,  as  follows:  From  the  state  at  large,  Charles 
S.  Deneen,  Roy  O.  West,  B.  A.  Eckhart,  Chauncey 
Dewey,  L.  Y.  Sherman,  Robert  D.  Clark,  L.  L.  Em- 
merson,  W.  A.  Rosenfield;  from  the  twenty-five  con- 
gressional districts,  Francis  P.  Brady,  M.  B.  Madden, 
John  J.  Hanberg,  Isaac  N.  Powell,  William  H.  Weber, 
Charles  W.  Vail,  Thomas  J.  Healy,  Albert  C.  Heiser,  Charles 
J.  Happel,  William  J.  Cooke,  Homer  K.  Galpin,  Allen  S. 
Ray,  Abel  Davis,  D.  A.  Campbell,  John  F.  Devine,  Isadore 
H.  Hines,  Fred  W.  Upham,  R.  R.  McCormick,  James  Pease, 
John  E.  Wilder,  Ira  C.  Copley,  John  Lambert,  Fred  E. 
Sterling,  H.  W.  Johnson,  James  A.  Cowley,  J.  T.  William, 
Frank  G.  Allen,  William  J.  Graham,  Harry  E.  Brown, 
Clarence  E.  Snively,  Edward  N.  Woodruff,  Cairo  A.  Trimble, 
G.  J.  Johnson,  Frank  B.  Stitt,  John  L.  Hamilton,  Len  Small, 
W.  L.  Shellabarger,  Elim  J.  Hawbaker,  J.  A.  Glenn,  W.  W. 
Watson,  Logan  Hay,  William  H.  Provine,  Edward  E.  Miller, 
Henry  J.  Schmidt,  William  F.  Bundy,  Aden  Knoph,  Randolph 
Smith,  James  B.  Barker,  P.  H.  Eisenmayer,  Walter  Wood. 
These  delegates,  with  the  exception  of  Happel  and  Cooke,  in 

231 


232  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

the  Fifth  district,  were  instructed  for  Colonel  Roosevelt. 
June  1  the  Illinois  delegates  were  the  guests  of  Colonel 
Roosevelt  at  his  home  at  Oyster  Bay.  He  had  invited  them 
to  visit  him  and  discuss  his  candidacy  before  the  convention 
at  Chicago. 

The  convention  was  held  in  the  Coliseum.  The  details  of 
that  stormy  and  epoch-making  assemblage  belong  to  the  polit- 
ical history  of  the  nation.  In  so  far,  however,  as  Illinois  had 
a  part  in  the  convention,  the  record  has  a  place  in  this  volume. 
The  preliminary  contest  was  before  the  national  committee. 
There  were  252  delegates  whose  seats  were  contested.  Of 
this  number,  238  Taft  delegates  were  seated,  while  Roosevelt 
was  given  fourteen.  Among  those  whose  seats  were  contested 
were  seventy-four  delegates-at-large  from  the  fourteen  states 
of  Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Indiana, 
Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Michigan,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Texas, 
Virginia  and  Washington. 

The  next  contest  was  over  the  temporary  chairman.  In 
the  presence  of  nearly  twelve  thousand  persons,  constituting 
the  most  distinguished  assemblage  ever  in  attendance  at  a 
national  convention,  the  oratorical  battle  over  the  temporary 
organization  was  fought.  The  stormy  petrels  of  the  party 
were  there.  James  Watson,  of  Indiana,  nominated  Elihu 
Root,  of  New  York,  for  temporary  chairman.  Governor 
McGovern,  of  Wisconsin,  was  the  Progressive  candidate. 
He  was  nominated  by  Henry  J.  Cochems,  of  Wisconsin. 
This  nomination  was  repudiated  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  La 
Follette,  and  the  vote  of  Wisconsin  was  divided.  Seven 
Illinois  delegates  voted  for  Mr.  Root,  as  follows :  Robert  D. 
Clark,  of  Peoria ;  Dan  Campbell,  Chicago ;  Fred  W.  Upham, 
Chicago;  Harry  E.  Brown,  Geneseo;  C.  E.  Snively,  Canton; 
jLen  Small,  Kankakee;  Edward  E.  Miller,  East  St.  Louis. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  233 

Mr.  Root  was  elected  chairman.  He  received  558  votes; 
McGovern,  502;  scattering,  18. 

The  seating  of  contested  delegates  was  next  in  order. 
Colonel  Roosevelt  contended  that  contested  and  provisionally 
seated  delegates  ought  not  to  vote  on  any  question  before  the 
convention,  and  least  of  all  on  one  another's  cases.  The  ruling 
of  the  chair  was  that  contested  delegates  might  vote  on  all 
cases  except  their  own.  "The  principle,"  said  Mr.  Root, 
"that  no  man  should  sit  as  a  judge  in  his  own  case  does  not 
disqualify  any  delegate  on  the  temporary  roll  of  the  conven- 
tion from  voting  on  another  man's  right  to  a  seat  or  from  par- 
ticipating in  any  other  regular  business  of  the  convention." 
Senator  Root  quoted  precedents  not  only  of  national  conven- 
tions, but  of  congress  in  support  of  his  position,  and  argued, 
moreover,  that  the  Roosevelt  theory  would  enable  minorities 
to  capture  conventions  by  contesting  as  many  seats  as  might 
suit  their  purpose.  Indeed,  conventions  could  be  tied  up  and 
prevented  from  transacting  any  business  whatever  by  means 
of  flimsy  and  insincere  contests. 

It  is  plain  to  the  fair-minded  bystander  that  neither  con- 
tention is  free  from  fallacy,  weakness  and  practical  danger. 
This,  as  Senator  Borah  has  said,  proves  the  need  of  vital 
changes  in  the  organization  and  government  of  parties.  It 
may,  as  he  suggests,  be  found  necessary  and  expedient  to  give 
the  states  "home  rule"  in  the  matter  and  set  up  some  high 
local  authority  to  pass  on  contests  and  give  delegates  their 
credentials. 

After  six  hours  of  intense  conflict,  the  session  closed  with 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Taft  in  control  of  the  temporary  organiza- 
tion. Saturday  evening,  June  23,  William  H.  Taft  was 
renominated  for  president  on  the  first  ballot.  He  received  561 
votes;  Roosevelt,  107;  La  Follette,  41 ;  Cummins,  17.  More 


234  Republican  Party  in  Illinois 

than  three  hundred  delegates  refused  to  vote.  These  were 
the  supporters  of  Colonel  Roosevelt.  The  vote  of  the^Illinois 
delegation  was  as  follows :  Taf t,  2 ;  Roosevelt,  53 ;  not  voting, 
2;  absent,  1.  Mr.  Roosevelt  insisted  that  the  Illinois  dele- 
gation should  not  vote  on  the  decisive  ballot,  but  they  had 
previously  decided  in  caucus  that  they  would  not  bolt. 

James  Schoolcraft  Sherman  was  renominated  for  vice- 
president. 

Scarcely  had  the  cheers  which  greeted  the  renomination 
of  President  Taft  died  away  in  the  Coliseum,  when  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Roosevelt  met  in  Orchestra  hall  and  nominated  him  for 
president.  A  provisional  campaign  committee  was  appointed. 
July  7  Senator  Joseph  W.  Dixon,  of  Montana,  Colonel  Roose- 
velt's campaign  manager,  issued  a  call  for  a  national  Progres- 
sive convention..  The  call  was  signed  in  behalf  of  Illinois  by 
Medill  McCormick,  Chauncey  Dewey  and  La  Verne  W. 
Noyes. 

The  convention  was  held  in  Chicago,  August  5.  Theodore 
Roosevelt  was  nominated  for  president,  and  Hiram  W.  John- 
son, governor  of  California,  for  vice-president.  Colonel 
Roosevelt  coined  the  only  battle  cry  of  the  campaign  thus  far. 
In  his  speech  at  Chicago,  while  the  first  convention  was  in 
progress,  he  said:  "We  are  at  Armageddon,  and  the  battle 
is  the  Lord's."  The  phrase  is  suggested  by  a  passage  in  the 
Apocalypse  of  St.  John,  which  refers  to  the  final  conflict  of 
world  forces. 

Previous  to  the  assembling  of  the  Progressive  convention 
Colonel  Roosevelt  had  assumed  a  dictatorial  attitude  toward 
Governor  Deneen,  and  demanded  that  he  should  give  a  pledge 
of  support  to  the  Progressive  ticket.  Governor  Deneen  had 
discharged  his  obligation  to  Roosevelt  at  the  first  convention, 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  235 

and  refused  to  break  away  from  the  party  which  had  nom- 
inated him  for  governor. 

A  call  was  issued  for  a  state  Progressive  convention  to  be 
held  at  Chicago,  August  3.  The  following  ticket  was  nom- 
inated: Governor,  Frank  H.  Funk;  lieutenant-governor, 
Dean  Franklin;  attorney-general,  Fletcher  Dobbyns;  secre- 
tary of  state,  E.  O.  Peterson ;  treasurer,  Philip  Decker ; 
auditor,  Edward  Winter. 

On  July  2,  at  the  national  Democratic  convention,  which 
had  assembled  at  Baltimore,  Woodrow  Wilson,  governor  of 
New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  president  on  the  forty-sixth 
ballot.  Thomas  R.  Marshall,  governor  of  Indiana,  was  nom- 
inated for  vice-president. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  platform  may  be  expressed  in  the  words 
of  the  old  French  monarch,  "I  am  the  state."  His  declaration 
of  principles,  so  far  as  Illinois  is  concerned,  has  no  significance. 
The  present  state  administration  is  fully  committed  to  pro- 
gressive measures,  in  theory  and  in  fact.  Evidence  of  this 
truth  is  shown  in  Governor  Deneen's  calling  the  legislature  in 
special  session  to  pass  a  presidential  primary  law,  by  which  it 
was  made  possible  for  Colonel  Roosevelt  to  appeal  to  the 
people  in  this  state.  Certain  planks  in  Roosevelt's  platform 
will  not  commend  themselves  to  the  sober  second  thought  of 
the  American  people.  Among  these  is  the  proposed  recall  of 
the  judiciary.  The  legal  profession  of  the  country  owes  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  President  Taft  for  his  uncompromising 
attitude  against  this  dangerous  experiment.  The  indepen- 
dence of  the  judiciary  is  fundamental.  The  corrupt  judge 
may  be  impeached  under  existing  law. 

The  Republican  party  is  progressive.  From  the  beginning 
it  has  stood  for  the  highest  ideals  in  representative  government. 
Its  leaders  have  been  constructive  statesmen  who  incarnated 


236  Republican  Party\in  Illinois 


these  ideals  in  institutions  and  laws.  So  continuously  has  the 
party  been  in  power  that  the  story  of  its  achievements  consti- 
tutes the  political  history  of  the  state  and  nation  for  more 
than  half  a  century.  There  are  in  nature  centripetal  and 
centrifugal  forces,  which  proceed  toward  or  fly  from  a  given 
center.  The  Republican  party  supplies  an  analogy,  and  the 
evolution  of  its  principles  has  resulted  in  the  anomalous  fact 
of  both  the  centralization  and  the  distribution  of  power. 

The  old  Federal  party  was  founded  upon  the  political 
philosophy  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  greatest  statesman  of 
his  day.  The  Republican  party,  as  its  legitimate  successor, 
has  upheld  the  principle  of  centralized  power  strong  enough 
to  maintain  its  efficiency  and  integrity  against  every  domestic 
or  foreign  foe.  The  doctrine  of  Jefferson,  who  represented 
the  other  pole  of  political  thought,,  as  opposed  to  Hamilton, 
has  had  its  day.  The  present  demand  is  not  more  rights  for 
the  single  state,  but  a  larger  opportunity  for  the  individual. 

The  Republican  party  was  baptised  in  the  spirit  of  freedom. 
It  was  the  crystalization  of  public  sentiment  against  the  nation- 
alization of  slavery  which  in  1854  seemed  all  but  consum- 
mated. In  1861,  when  the  conflict  between  two  civilizations 
reached  its  crisis,  it  was  the  Republican  party,  assisted  by 
many  loyal  Democrats,  that  preserved  the  integrity  of  the 
union.  After  the  civil  war,  it  grappled  with  the  gigantic 
problem  of  reconstruction,  by  which  the  seceding  states  could 
resume  their  former  status  in  the  union.  The  Republican 
party  has  given  the  country  the  best  currency  system  known 
to  the  world;  it  has  established  the  revenues  of  the  nation 
upon  the  basis  of  a  protective  tariff.  When  the  fortunes  of 
war  resulted  in  the  acquisition  of  colonial  possessions,  the 
party  was  called  to  meet  a  new  situation.  Under  the  leader- 
ship of  President  McKinley,  a  colonial  policy  was  inaugurated. 


Republican  Party  in  Illinois  237 

America  had  become  too  great  to  continue  her  isolation,  for 
the  time  had  come  for  her  to  take  her  place  as  a  recognized 
world  power. 

High  civic  virtues  are  developed  in  the  times  that  try 
men's  souls.  They  are  the  product  of  the  whirlwind  and  the 
storm.  These  occasions  are  usually  followed  by  periods  of 
moral  declension,  when  party  leaders  seem  to  lose  sight  of  the 
original  ideals,  and  engage  in  politics  merely  for  the  spoils  of 
office.  The  Republican  party  has  been  no  exception  to  this 
rule.  There  has  been  more  than  one  campaign  in  which  there 
was  no  clearly  defined  issue,  in  which  abusive  personalities 
held  high  carnival,  and  in  which  party  spirit  was  seen  at  its 
worst.  But  amidst  all  the  strife  there  was  manifestly  at  work 
a  "power  not  in  ourselves  that  makes  for  righteousness."  An 
observer  with  no  prophetic  sense  might  be  in  camp  or  on  a 
battlefield  and  see  only  guns,  swords  and  bayonets,  soldiers  on 
guard  or  dying  in  the  trenches.  But  when  Julia  Ward  Howe 
visited  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  there  came  to  her  a  spiritual 
vision  as  real  as  that  which  assured  the  prophet  of  Israel  at 
Dotham  that  the  mountain  was  full  of  horses  and  chariots  of 
fire  round  about  Elisha.  On  that  night  the  inspired  author 
of  the  Battle  Hymn  of  the  Republic  saw  more  than  the  terrible 
swift  sword  and  the  burnished  rows  of  steel,  and  she  exclaimed 
in  rapture,  "Mine  eyes  have  seen  the  glory  of  the  coming  of 
the  Lord!"  Thus,  amid  all  the  tumult  of  the  hour,  men, 
parties  and  nations  may  sometimes  build  wiser  than  they  know. 

The  Republican  party  cannot  live  upon  the  achievements 
of  the  past.  Mere  momentum  soon  becomes  a  spent  force. 
"New  occasions  teach  new  duties."  The  problems  of  today 
and  of  the  immediate  future  are  not  political,  but  economic 
and  industrial.  The  party  must  meet  them.  This  is  an  age 
of  individualism,  and  the  common  man  must  have  his  day  in 


238  Republican  Partyxin  Illinois 

court.  In  the  ultimate  analysis,  however,  the  common  man, 
in  the  rank  and  file  of  his  party,  must  work  out  his  own  salva- 
tion. It  is  not  the  function  of  government  to  furnish  him 
bread,  but  to  give  him  a  fair  chance,  a  "square  deal."  The 
citizen  must  not  eliminate  the  moral  element  from  the  account. 
Washington,  in  his  farewell  address,  says  religion  and  morality 
are  indispensable  supports  of  political  prosperity;  and  that 
"in  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force  to 
public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public  opinion  should  be 
enlightened."  A  nation  is  composed  of  units,  and  the  admoni- 
tion of  Washington  applies  to  the  unit,  the  individual  man. 
Thus  the  church  and  the  school  house,  the  preacher  and  the 
teacher,  will  fill  a  larger  place  than  ever  before  in  the  new 
social  order. 

America  is  the  "melting  pot"  of  the  nations.  To  her  shores 
are  coming  from  the  old  world  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men, 
whose  faces  tell  of  toil  and  sorrow,  to  be  fused  into  a  new 
Americanism.  Zangwell,  in  the  closing  words  of  his  great 
drama,  gives  a  glimpse  of  the  crucible  in  its  purifying  work: 
"Yes,  east  and  west,  north  and  south,  the  palm  and  the  pine, 
the  pole  and  the  equator,  the  crescent  and  the  cross — how  the 
great  Alchemist  melts  and  fuses  them  in  his  purging  flame! 
Here  shall  they  all  unite  to  build  the  republic  of  man  and  the 
kingdom  of  God.  Ah,  Vera,  what  is  the  glory  of  Rome  and 
Jerusalem,  where  all  nations  come  to  worship  and  look  back, 
compared  with  the  glory  of  America,  where  all  races  and 
nations  come  to  labor  and  look  forward!"  This  modern 
Hebrew  dramatist  has  outlined  the  duty  and  the  privilege  of 
the  party  of  Abraham  Lincoln :  to  make  this  a  government  of, 
by  and  for  the  people  in  fact  as  well  as  in  theory,  so  that  its 
humblest  citizen  may  say,  in  all  honesty  and  pride,  Above  us 
there  is  nothing  but  the  nation;  above  the  nation  there  is 
nothing  but  God. 


Errata 

Page  77  the  name  "Emory  Storrs"  should  read  "Emery  A. 
Storrs." 

Page  92  the  date  of  the  Republican  state  convention  should 
read  "May  25,  1864." 

Page  101  the  name  "Jesse  L.  Phillips"  should  read  "Jesse  J. 
Phillips." 

Page  107  the  date  of  the  Republican  state  convention  should 
read  "September  1,  1870." 

Page  108  the  name  "Charles  Ridgley"  should  read  "Charles 
Ridgely." 

Page  109  the  name  "William  R.  Snyder"  should  be  "William 
H.  Snyder." 

Page  126  the  name  "H.  L.  Baker"  should  read  "Henry  S. 
Baker." 

Page  123  the  name  "Scot  Wike"  should  read  "Scott  Wike." 

Page  170  the  name  "Isaac  N.  Pierson"  should  be  spelled  "Isaac 
N.  Pearson." 


239 


Index  of  Names 

Names  which  appear  only  as  Presidential  Electors,  Delegates  to  National 
Conventions,  or  members  of  the  State  Central  Committee  for  1912  are  not 
indexed  individually;  but  are  given  iu  the  lists  of  Electors,  Delegates  and 
Committeemen  for  the  respective  years. 


Abbott,   W.    L 219 

Adair,  A.  M 140 

Adams,  Charles  Francis  12 

Adams,  George  E.,  148,  149,  155, 

161,  165,  177. 

Adams,  John  Quincy  116 

Addams,    Jane   228 

Adkins,   Charles  221,   229 

Akers,   Rev.   Peter   26 

Akin,  Edwin  C 179 

Aldrich,  J.  F.,  172,  173,  176,  180 
Aldrich,  William,   129,   133,   142 

Alger,   Russell  A 164 

Allen,   G.    T 28 

Allen,  James  C.,  27,  77,  89,  93, 

113. 

Allen,  J.  M 122 

Allen,  William  J 89,  99 

Allison,  William  B.,  164,  178,  180 

Alschuler,  Samuel  191,  193 

Altgeld,   John  P.,   170,  172,   173, 

180,  184. 

Amberg,  Franz  168 

Anderson,  G.  A 161 

Anderson,  William  B.,   108,  123 

Andrews,  Francis  171 

Anthony,  Elliott  88 

Arnold,  Isaac  N 80,  81,  89 

Arntzen,   Bernard  78 

Arthur,  Chester  A 141,  153 

Ashmum,    George   79 

Aspern,  Henry  T 126 

Ashton,  Andrew  130,  131 

Atkins,    Smith  D 80 

Austin,  Henry  W 160,  161 

Babcock,  A.  C 74 

Bagby,  John  C 123 

Baker,  Henry  S.,  28,  33,  93,  125, 

126. 
Baker,  Jehu  ....95,  100,  161,  182 

Baldwin,  H.  E 153 

Ball,  John  K 223 

Bannen,  Rev.  H.  M 193 

Barber,  Hiram  133 

Bardwell,  Conrad  M 219,  220 

Barlow,  New  York  Elector,  128 

Barnes,  V.  V 193 

Barrett,  Nathan  M 171 

Barrierre,  Granville  117 

Bateman,  Newton,  44,  70,  75,  89, 

92,    99,   107,   113. 

Bates,   Edward   78,    79 

Bates,  Erastus  102,  107,  132 

Bayliss,  Alfred  187,  195,  196 

Beardsley,  J.  M 137 

Beck,  W.  F 180 

Becker,  Charles  163 

Beckemeyer,  H.  J.  C 214 

Beidler,  X.  F 212 


Belknap,  Hugh  R 177,  182 

Belknap,  Secretary  124 

Bell,  Andrew  J 164 

Bell,   John  80 

Belmont,  New  York  Elector,  128 

Bergren,  August  W 161 

Berry,  Orville  F 179,  208 

Beveridge,  A.  J 215 

Beveridge,  James  H 92 

Beveridge,  General  John  L.,  109, 

114,  120,  125,  137,  181. 

Bidwell,  John  171 

Birney,  James  G 7,  9,  12 

Bissell,  William  H.,   32,   33,   34, 

71,  82. 
Black,  General  John  C.,  92,  99, 

113,  134,  170,  172. 

Blackburn,  Henry  S —78 

Blackman,  J.  B 225 

Blain,  James  G.,   47,  58,   79,   88, 

106,    125,    126,    127,    135,    136, 

137,  141,  153,  154,  171,  209. 
Blair,  Francis  G.,   209,  219,  220 

Blair,  F.  P 104 

Blaisdell,  E.  W 30 

Blanchard,  Charles  A 196 

Bliss,   Anson   L 195,   196 

Blood,  Frederick  G 171 

Borah,    Senator    233 

Boutell,  Henry  S.,  182,  188,  193, 

194,  196,  202,  210,  213,  219. 

Bovay,  Alvin  E 19 

Boyd,  Thomas  A 129,  133 

Brand,  Rudolph  154 

Braucher,  Daniel  L 160,  161 

Breckenridge,  John  C 36,  80 

Brenholdt,  John  J 194 

Brentano,    Lorenz,    93,    102,    129 

Bridges,  Frank  M 157 

Bristow,  Benjamin  H 127 

Britten,   Fred  A 225 

Broderick,  Senator  ....218 

Bromwell,  H.   P.  H.,   76,   95,   99, 

100. 

Brooks,  John  P 89,   93 

Brooks,  Preston  S.,  42,  116,  117 

Bross,  William  92,  97,  113 

Brown,   B.    Gratz   112,    113 

Brown,   Elizabeth   148 

Brown,   John   J 212,    222 

Brown,   Harry   E 232 

Browne,    Lee    O'Neil,    214,    215, 

218. 
Browning,  O.  H.,  32,  34,  75,  78, 

86,  87,  90,  185,  227. 

Bryan,  Charles  Page  179 

Bryan,  William  J.,  180,  181,  182, 

192,  193,  211,  213,  241. 

Bryant,  John  H 33 

Buchanan,  Frank  •. 220 


Index 


241 


Buchanan,  James,  36,  38,  42,  43, 

44,  45,  52,  65,  66,  163. 

Buckmaster,  Samuel  A 90 

Budlong,   John   160,    161 

Bunn,    John    74 

Burchard,  Dr 153 

Burchard,   H.   C.,    106,    108,   117, 

123,  129,  162. 

Burr,  Albert  G 100,  104 

Burrell,  Orlando 176 

Burrows,   Senator  215 

Busey,  Mrs.  Mary  A 219 

Busey,  Samuel  T 169 

Bushnell,    Washington,    33,    93, 

102. 

Busse,  Fred  A 195 

Butler,  Benjamin  F 153,  154 

Butler,  William  74,  75,  89 

Butterworth,  Thomas 140 

Cable,   Ben   T.    .  ....169 

Caldwell,  Benjamin  F.,  189,  193, 

196,  210. 

Calhoun,  John 76 

Calhoun,  John  C 8,  9,  10 

Calhoun,  William  F 161,  163 

Calhoun,  W.  J 149,  179 

Calwalader,  A.  D 212 

Cameron,  J.  Donald  135,  146 

Cameron,  Simon 78,  79 

Campbell,   Alexander   123 

Campbell,  Dan  232 

Campbell,  G.  H 77 

Campbell,  James  II 182 

Campbell,  William  J.,   139,   147, 

150,  155. 

Cannon,  Congressman,  Utah,  180 
Cannon,  Joseph  G.,  80,  117,  118, 

123,    129,    133,    142,    149,    155, 

161,    162,    165,    169,    172,    173, 

176,    182,    189,    193,    194,    195, 

196,    197,    198,    199,    201,    202, 

210,    213,    220,    225. 

Carlin,  Walter  E 152 

Carr,    Clark    E.,    81,    93,    94,    95, 

107,    139,    151,    162,    163,    184, 

226. 

Carroll,  Charles  122 

Carter,    Judge   O.    H.,    187,    188, 

190,  191,  207. 

Carter,  Ohio  Delegate  79 

Cary,  Samuel  F 128 

Casey,  Newton  R 121 

Casey,  Samuel  K 35 

Cass,  Lewis  12,  47,  65 

Caulfield,  B.  G 123 

Chambers,  E.  J 141 

Chapman,  Pleasant  T.,  202,  210, 

213. 
Chase,  Salmon  P.,  15,  27,  72,  78, 

79,  84. 

Chapman,  Theodore 165 

Chetlain,    General    A.    L.,    107, 

142,   143,   144,   145,   146. 

Childs,  Robert  A 172,  173 

Chiperfield,  B.  M 225 


Church,  Chester  W 223,  229 

Church,   Lawrence  S 82 

Church,  Selden  M 31,  90 

Claggett,  Bernard  J 175,  176 

Clark,    John    33 

Clark,   R.   B 225 

Clark,    Robert   D 232 

Clay,  Cassius  M 27 

Clay,  Henry,  9,  13,  14,  15,  16,  46, 

48,  56,  65,  72,  76,  171. 
Clements,  Isaac  ....118,  126,  137 
Cleveland,  Grover,   87,  153,  154, 
163,    164,    172,    173,    175,    186, 

Cochems,  Henry  J 232 

Cochran,   William   G 167 

Cochrane,  John  94 

Cockrell,    James    170 

Codding,  Ichabod  20 

Colfax,   Schuyler,   103,    106,    115 

Collamer,  Jacob  78,  79 

Collins,    John   202 

Collins,  Loren  C.,  Jr 149,  151 

Conger,    Senator    140 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  127,  135,  139, 
141,  153. 

Conn,  George  W 219 

Coon,  A.  B 114,  138 

Cook,  Burton  C.,   28,   75,   82,   93, 
95,  100,  104,  108,  151. 

Cooke,   Edward  D 176,   182 

Connolly,    James    A.,    151,    163, 
176,  182. 

Coolbaugh,  W.   F 119 

Cooper,  Peter  128,  129 

Copley,  Ira  C.,  219,  220,  225,  231 

Copp,    Uriah   152 

Corwin,  Franklin,  100,  101,  105, 
117,  126. 

Cox,  Jesse  171 

Coy,   Winfleld   S : 126 

Crafts,  Wilbur  F.,  165,  169,  173 

Cranfleld,   James  B 171 

Crawford,    Monroe   C.,    152,    180 
Crebs,  Colonel  John  M.,  99,  104, 
108. 

Creighton,    Jacob    R 164 

Cronkrite,  Edward  L 132,  155 

Crowley,  Joseph  B.,  189,  193,  196 
Cullom,  Shelby  M.,  80,  82,  85, 
95,  99,  100,  104,  114,  115,  121, 
122,  124,  125,  129,  139,  142, 
144,  147,  149,  151,  153,  160, 
166,  177,  178,  179,  181,  184, 
188,  189,  190,  191,  194,  195, 
200,  201,  208,  210,  216,  217, 
223,  224,  225,  226,  227, 

Cummins,    Senator   233 

Curtis,  Benjamin  R 39 

Curtis,  Edward  C 183 

Curtis,   William   Eleroy   24 

Cusack,    Thomas    188,    189 

Dane,    Nathan   ,       , 3 

Daniel,  William  153 

Daugherty,  E.  C 30 

Davies,  Edgar  T 212 


242 


Index 


Davis,  David,  75,  78,  112,  113, 
116,  118,  130,  131,  133,  149, 
162,  226,  227. 

Davis,  George  R.,  133,  142,  148, 
151,  177. 

Davis,  Henry  Gassoway  201 

Davis,  Jefferson  33,  34,  125 

Davis,  J.  McCann,  157,  212,  222 
Dawes,  Charles  E.,  178,  179,  190 

Day,  W.  R 189 

Dayton,   William  L.,   35,   78,    79 

Decker,  Philip  235 

Delegates  national  convention, 
1860,  75;  1864,  93;  1868,  102; 
1872,  114;  1876,  125-126;  1880, 
137,  139;  1884,  151-152;  1912, 
231. 

Dement,  Henry  D 139,  151 

Deneen,  Charles  S.,  199,  200,  202, 
203,  204,  205,  207,  208,  212, 
213,  214,  218,  220,  222,  224, 
228,  229,  231,  234,  235. 

Depew,  Chauncey  M 164 

Dewey,  Chauncey,  225,  231,  234 

Dickey,  Colonel  T.  Lyle  99 

Dickson,  Frank  L 202 

Dillingham,    Senator   217 

Dixon,  Archibald  16,  17,  18 

Dixon,  Charles  G 171 

Dixon,  Joseph  W 234 

Diston,  W.  L 179 

Dobbyns,   Fletcher   235 

Dodge,  Augustus  C 16 

Donelson,  Andrew  J 35 

Dooling,  Frank  E 201 

Dougherty,  John,  70,  102,  105, 
115. 

Dougherty,  Michael  J 152 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  16,  17,  18, 
24,  26,  27,  35,  37,  39,  41,  42, 
43,  44,  45,  46,  47,  48,  49,  50, 
51,  52,  53,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58, 
59,  60,  61,  62,  63,  64,  65,  66, 
67,  68,  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  79, 
80,  82,  83,  85,  86,  90,  159, 
171,  226,  227. 

Doyle,  C.  J 225,  229 

Downing,  Finis  E.,  176,  177,  180 

Drew,  Samuel  J 212 

Dubois,  Jesse  K.,  34,  74,  75,  92, 
101,  102,  113. 

Du  Bois,  Senator  180 

Duddleston,  George 195 

Dudley,  Edward  A 31 

Dunham,  R.  W 148,  155,  161 

Dunlap,   M.   F 191 

Dunlap,  Willard  E 188 

Dunne,  Edward  P 227 

Durborow,    A.    C.,    Jr.,    168,    172 
Durfee,  Bradford  K 147 

Early,  John 121,  124 

Eastman,  Zebina  23 

Eden,  John  R.,  89,  101,  118,  123, 
129,  155. 


Edmunds,   George  F.,   136,   141, 

153. 
Edsall,  James  K.,  114,  125,  139 

Edwards,   N.   T 176 

Edwards,  Richard,  160,  161,  168 

Ellwood,  Reuben  148,  197 

Emerich,  Martin 196 

Emerson,   Dr 38 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo  71 

Emmerson,  Louis  L 223,  231 

English,  W.  H 43,  142 

Enos,  C.  W 152 

Etter,  Samuel  M.,  122,  123,  132, 

133 

Evans,  H.  Clay  186 

Evans,  Dr.  John  31 

Evans,  J.  W 140 

Evans,  Lyndon 220 

Evarts,  William  M 78 

Everett,   Edward  80 

Fairbanks,  Charles  W.,  180,  201 
Farnsworth,  John  F.,  32,  71,  80, 

89,   95,   100,   104,  108,   120,  123 
Farwell,    Charles    B.,    108,    117, 

123,    124,    125,    136,    142,    162, 

169, 

Farwell,   John  V 93,  162 

Faxon,  Charles  30 

Feeley,  John  J 193 

Feinz,  Charles  108 

Fell,  Jesse  130 

Felter,  James  S.  171 

Fenton,  Reuben  E 103 

Ferry  E.   P 23,   93 

Ferns,  Thomas  F 201 

Fessenden,  W.  P 14 

Field,  James  G 171 

Fifer,  Joseph  W.,  152,  163,  164, 

166,    167,    170,    172,    181,    191, 

228. 
Fillmore,  Millard,  13,  16,  35,  "56 

Finerty,  John  F 148 

Fisher,  George  W 212 

Fisher,  Hendrick  V 183 

Fisk,  Clinton  B 164 

Fithian,  George  W.,  165,  169,  172 

Fletcher,   Senator  217 

Flint,  C.  C 25 

Foote,  Rev.  Hiram  95 

Foote,  Rev.  Horatio  95 

Fondy,  William  70 

Ford,  A.  N 30 

Forman,    William    S.,    165,    169, 

172. 

Forsythe,  A.  P 133 

Fort,    Greenbury    L.,    117,    123, 

129,  133,  139. 
Foss,  George  Edmund,  176,  182, 

189,    193,    194,    196,    202,    210, 

212,    213,    220,    225. 
Foster,  George  P.,  188,  189,  193, 

196. 
Foster,  Martin  D.,  210,  213,  220 

Fouke,  Philip  B 81 

Fowler,  Dr.  Edwin  99 


Index 


243 


Fowler,  H.  Robert 220 

Franklin,  Dean  235 

Fremont,  John  C 35,  36,   94 

French   A.   C 71 

Fuller,  General  Allen  C.,  76,  81, 

92,  97,  105,  106,  109,  126,  128 
Fuller,  Charles  E..  151,  155,  157, 

161,    179,    196,    199,    202,    210, 

213,  220,  221,  225. 

Fuller,  Melville  W 87 

Fulton,  Arthur  W 225 

Funk,   B.  F 172,   173 

Funk,  C.  S 216 

Funk,  Frank  H 235 

Gage,  Lyman  J 185,  186 

Gallagher,   Thomas  213,    220 

Gamble,  Senator  217 

Gansbergen,  F.  H 219 

Garfield,   James  A.,   1,  141,   142, 

145,  148,  185. 
Garrison,   William   Lloyd,   7,   84 

Gartenstein,  J 225 

Gest,  William  G 161,  165 

Giddings,  Joshua  R 27 

Gill,  Joseph  B 170 

Gillespie,  Joseph  31,  75 

Gilmer,  Ulrich  Z 160,  161 

Glenn,  Archibald  A 124,  126 

Goldzier,  Julius  172 

Goodhue,  Benjamin  W 153 

Gore,  David 122,  170 

Gorin,   J.   A 132 

Graff,  Joseph  V.,  176,   182,   189, 
193,    194,    196,    202,    210,    213 

Graham,  James  M 213,  220 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  81,  84,  94,  99, 
102,  103,  104,  106,  109,  112, 
113,  114,  115,  116,  117,  124, 
135,  136,  137,  140,  141,  142, 
143,  144,  145,  146,  147,  185, 
190,  226. 
Greeley,  Horace,  43,  78,  112,  113, 

116,   117. 

Gresham,    Walter   Q.,    163,   164, 
185,  186. 

Grimshaw,  Jackson 74 

Gross,  Jacob  151 

Grote,  Caroline 209 

Gundlack,  George  126 

Gwin,  John  N 153 

Hacker,  William  A 87,  93 

Hadley,  W.  F.  L 177 

Haines,   E.   M 124,   155,   156 

Hall,  Frank  H 132,  133,  148 

Hall,  Ross  C 212 

Hall,  William  16 

Hamilton,  Alexander,   1,   46,   47, 

236. 
Hamilton,    John    M.,    139,    149, 

150,  151,  154,  162,  181. 

Hamilton,  Richard  Jones  35 

Hamlin,  Hannibal  79 

Hamlin,  H.  J.,  187,  191,  199,  200 
Hancock,    Winfleld    Scott,    141, 

142. 


Hanecy,   Elbridge   190,    191 

Hanks,  John  77 

Hanna,  B.  J.  F 33 

Hanna,    Mark    178,    186 

Hardin,  John  J 76 

Harding,  Abner  C 33,  95,  100 

Harlow,  George  H 114,  125 

Harmon,    Lawrence    140 

Harper,  Jesse,  152,  171 

Harris,  Charles  M 89 

Harris,  Thomas  L 27,  71,  76 

Harrison,    Benjamin,    164,    165, 

166,  171. 
Harrison,  Carter,  123,  129,  152, 

154,  155,  164. 

Hartley,  Alphaus  K 219,  220 

Hartranft,  John  A 127 

Harts,  David  H 164 

Hartzell,  William  123,  129 

Hatch,  Ozias  M.,  34,  73,  75,  113 

Hay,  John  189,  201 

Hay,  John  B 104,  108 

Hay,   Milton   189 

Hayes,  Philip  C 129,  133 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  127,  128, 

129,  131. 

Hayes,  Samuel  Snowden  108 

Hawes,   Kirk  136,   137 

Hawk,    R.   M.   A.,    133,    142,   209 

Hawley,  Edgar  C 173 

Hawley,  John  B.,  104,  108,  117, 

126,  139. 

Hayne,   Senator  46 

Heimberger,  Herman  R 223 

Helm,   Senator  216 

Henderson,    Thomas    J.,    32,    80, 

102,    123,    129,    133,    142,    148, 

149,    155,    161,    162,    165,    169, 

172,  173. 
Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  128,  153 

Herman,  W.  G 225 

Herndon,  William  H.,  24,  26,  31, 

34. 

Herrington,  James  133 

Hertz,  Henry  L 170,  179 

Hildrup,  Jesse  S 102,  109 

Hill,  Benjamin  H 125,  126 

Hill,  Charles  A 165 

Hill,   S.   C 171 

Hilton,  Howard  0 179 

Hines,  Edward  216 

Hinrichsen,  William  H.,  170,  182 

Hise,  John  93,   126 

Hitchcock,  Charles 107 

Hitt,   Robert   R.,    148,    155,    161, 

165,    168,    172,    173,    176,    182, 

184,    189,    193,    194,    195,    196, 

201,  202,  209. 

Hobart,  Garret  A 40 

Hobbs,  J.  B 152 

Hoffman,  Francis  A.,  34,  35,  75, 

93    113 

Hoffman,  George  R.  S 212 

Holstlaw,   Senator  215,  216 

Hooton,  M.  M 126 

Hope,  T.  M 78 


244 


Index 


Hopkins,  Albert  J.,  162,  155,  161, 
165,  168,  170,  172,  173,  176, 
179,  182,  184,  189,  191,  193, 
194,  196,  197,  200,  211,  212, 
213,  214,  218. 

Hopkins,   Kate  133 

Howe,  Julia  Ward  237 

Hoy,  Luman  T 199 

Hoyt,   O.   W 219 

Hunt,    George   136,    151,    103 

Hunter,  Andrew  J.,  170,  172,  182 

Hunter,  David 169 

Hurburgh,  Charles  F 222,  223 

Hurlbut,  Stephen  A.,  21,  22,  32, 
80,  82,  83,  102,  106,  117,  123, 
127,  128,  132,  135,  136,  139, 
148. 

Ingersoll,  Eben  C.,   89,  95,  100, 

104. 
Ingersoll,  Robert  G.,  77,  80,  81, 

94,  95,  101,  102,  125,  127,  148, 

190. 

Inglis,  Samuel  M 176 

Ingram,  W.  T 140 

Irwin,  A.   B 152 

Irwin,  John  G 148 

Jackson,  Andrew  46 

James,  William  A 133 

Jayne,  Dr.  William  77,  152 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  1,  46,  47,  51, 

236. 

Jeffris,  Ralph  212 

Jett,   Thomas  M.,   182,   189,   193 

Jewell,  Marshall 127 

Johnson,  Andrew,  28,  94,  99,  103, 

110,  111,  185. 

Johnson,   Hale  152 

Johnson,  Herschel  V 80 

Johnson,  Hiram  W 234 

Johnson,  Senator,  217 

Jones,  Senator  217 

Jones,  Walter  C 222,   223 

Jones,  Willis  J 164 

Joy,  James  F 141 

Judd,  Norman  B.,  28,  74,  75,  78, 

100,  104. 

Judd,  S.  Corning  93 

Juul,   Niels   225 

Kellogg,  William  71,  80,  81 

Kellogg,  William  Pitt,  32,  76,  80 

Kennedy,  John  C 227 

Kenyon,  Senator 217 

Kern,  Frederick  J 193 

Kern,  John  W 211,  217 

Ketcham,  John  H 198 

Killam,  John  T 171 

King,   Tuthill   25 

Kinney,  James  212 

Knapp,  Anthony  L 89 

Knapp,  Robert  M.,  117,  118,  129 

Knight,   Thomas   D 212 

Knox,  James  27 

Knopf,  Philip  196,  202,  210 


Koerner,   Gustavus,   31,   32,    75, 

102,  109,  113,  117. 
Kuykendall,  A.  J 92,  95 

La  Follette,  R.  M.,  216,  224,  232, 
233 

Lamon,  Ward  H 74,   83 

Lamont,  James  161,  171 

Lamphier,  C.  H 113 

Landes,    Silas   Z 155,    161 

Lane,  Edward,  161,  165,  169,  172 

Lane,  Joseph,  80 

Lathrop,    Julia  C 228 

Lathrop,  William 129,  228 

Lawler,    Frank,     155,    161,    165 

Lawler,   Thomas  G 186 

Lawrence,   Judge   C.   B 122 

Lawrence,  Luther  W 87,  90 

Lee,   Robert  E 99,   103 

Lee,    Senator    217 

Leeper,    Arthur   157 

Leman,    Henry   W 154 

Le  Moyne,  John  V 124,  162 

Lewis,    John    H 142 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  20,  24,  25, 
26,  27,  28,  30,  31,  32,  34,  35, 
43,  44,  45,  46,  47,  48,  49,  50, 
51,  52,  53,  54,  55,  56,  57,  59, 
60,  61,  63,  64,  65,  66,  67,  68, 
69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74,  75,  76, 
77,  78,  79,  80,  83,  84,  85,  88, 
90,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96,  98,  105, 
110,  130,  185,  189,  190,  197, 
226,  227,  238. 

Lincoln,  Robert  T.,  140,  148, 
171,  185. 

Lindly,    Cicero   J 152 

Link,    Michael    S 215 

Link,   Robert   R 171 

Lippincott,  Charles  E.,  100,  102, 
114,  132. 

Littler,  David  T 137,  161 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot  201 

Logan,  Dr.   John  158 

Logan,   John  A.,   26,   80,   81,   86, 
90,  99,  100,  102,  103,  104,  107, 
108,    109,    120,    130,    131,    132, 
133,    134,    135,    136,    137,    145, 
151,    153,    154,    156,    158,    159, 
160,  162,  226,  227. 
Logan,  Robert  E.,  139,  140,  157 
Logan,    Stephen    T.    26,    75,    82, 
113,    114. 

Loop,  James  L 21,  22 

Lorimer,  William,  176,  182,  188, 
196,    202,    209,    213,    214,    215, 
216,   217,   218,   222,    223. 
Lovejoy,    Owen,    25,    26,    32,    34, 

71,    77,   80,    81,   89,   95. 
Lowden,  Frank  O.,  199,  200,  202, 
210,  213,  219. 

Lowell,   James  Russell  84 

Lundin,   Fred   213 

Lynch,    Edmund    126 

Lynch,  William  F 212 


Index 


245 


McAndrews,  James  193,  196 

McCann.   Bert  H 212 

McCartney,   James  140 

McClellan,   George   B 95 

McClernand,  John  A.,  80,  81,  99, 

128 

McClun,    John    E 25 

McCormick,    Medill    234 

McCullough,  James  S.,  179,  191, 

200,   212,   223,   225. 

McDannold,    John   J 172 

McDermott,  James  T.,  209,  210, 

213    220. 

McDonough,  Michael  171 

McElroy,  John  171 

McGann,    L.    E.,    168,    172,    176, 

177. 

McGavin,   Charles  202,   210 

McGovern,    Governor,    232,    233 
McKenzie,  John  C.,  196,  219,  220, 

225 

McKinlay,  Robert  L 152 

McKinley,    William,     171,     178, 

179,    180,    182,    185,    186,    187, 

188,    189,    192,    193,    209,    226, 

236. 
McKinley,  William  B.,  202,  210, 

213,   220,   225. 
McKinney,  James,  202,  210,  213, 

220 

McLaughlin,    Daniel    148 

McLean,    John   79 

McMillan,   Thomas   C 1G3 

McMurty,  William     77 

McNeely,   T.   W 104,   108 

McNeil,   Major  Quincy  87 

McNulta,    John,    117,    137,    163, 

168. 

Mac  Veagh,  Franklin,   176,   177 
Madden,    Martin    B.     184,     202, 

209,  213,  220,  225,  231. 

Madison,    James    51 

Magill,   Hugh   S 223 

Maher,   Hugh   78 

Mahoney,   William   F.,    193,   196 

Mamer,    Christopher    212 

Mann,  James  R.,   182,   188,   193, 

194,    196,    202,    209,    213,    220, 

225 
Marsh,    Benjamin    F.,    129,    133, 

142,    172,    173,    176,    182,    189, 

196,  202. 

Marsh,   C.  W 137,  138,   139 

Marshall,   J.   H 33 

Marshall,  Samuel  S.,  27,  71,  82, 

95,  100,  104,  108,  118. 

Marshall,    Thomas   R 235 

Marshall   Thomas   S 171 

Mason,    William    E.,    161,    165, 

184,    185,    188,    196,    212,    225 

Martin,   James   S 118 

Matteson,    Joel    A 28 

Matthews,  Asa  C.,  165,  166,  167 

Matthews,   Milton   W.    169 

Maxwell,  A.  L, 180 

Mazzini    45 


Meacham,  U.  D 22 

Medill,  Joseph,  32,  107,  135,  177 

Mesick,  Joseph  B 161 

Metcalf,    A.   W 137 

Michalek,  Anthony  202 

Mickey,  J.  Ross  193 

Miller,    Edward    E 232 

Miller,   James   34,   44,   70 

Miller,   James   H 167 

Miller,   Stephen  9 

Mills,  Daniel  W 182 

Miner,  Orlin  H 92 

Mitchell,  Edward  E 219,   220 

Mitchell,  Thomas  F 133 

Moloney,  Maurice  T 170 

Monroe,    James   15 

Moore,  Hosea  H 169,   170 

Moore,  Jesse  H 104,  108 

Moore,  John  35 

Morris,  Isaac  N 71 

Morrison,  Isaac   L 133 

Morrison,    William    R.,    80,    89 

118,    123,    129,    133,    142,    149 

155,  156,  158,  162. 
Morton,  Levi  P.,   163,   164.  165, 

180. 

Morton,  Oliver  P 127 

Moses,   John   ....29,   34,   il4,   136 
Moulton,     Samuel    W.,     92,     95 

101,  102,  142,  149. 

Mount,  John  B 212 

Murphy,    Everet    J 176 

Napoleon,  1 72,  103 

Nast,   Thomas   116 

Neece,  William  H 149,  155 

Needles,  Thomas  B 125 

Newberry,    Walter    C 168 

Noe,  Samuel  D 171 

Nicolay,    John    G.,    30,    94,    189 

Noonan,  Edward  T 188,  189 

Northcott,  William  A.,  179,  191 

Norton,  Jesse  0 23,  27,  89 

Noyes,  LaVerne  W 234 


Oberly,  John  H.  . 
O'Brien,  William 
O'Conor,  Charles 
O'Donnell,  James 

Ogden,  W.  B 

Oglesby,  Richard 

80,    92,    96,    97, 

104,    105,    109, 

117,    119,    120, 

149,    151,    154, 

181,    190,    212, 

Oglesby,  John  G. 

O'Hara,    Daniel    . 

Oldt,  Franklin  T. 

Ostewig,    Kinnie 

Orendorf,  Alfred 


F. 


140 

101 

116 

191 

31 

J.,  31,  32,  77, 
98,  100,  101, 
114,  115,  116, 
132,  133,  134, 
155,  159,  170, 
226,  227. 
,  212,  223,  225 

113 

160,  161 

A 223 

148,   152 


Pace,  Edward  C  180 

Paddock,  James  H 183 

Palmer,  John  M.,  26,  28,  32,  33, 
34,    76,      80,    82,    92,    100,    101, 


246 


Index 


102,  104,  105,  106,  113,  118, 
130,  131,  149,  159,  164,  166, 
168,  170,  181,  184,  226,  227 

Parks,  G.  D.  A 31,  33 

Parker,  Alton  B 201,  202 

Parker,   Theodore  7,  14,  60 

Parsons,   George   B 191 

Parsons,   Lewis  B 140 

Patton,   Robert  H 202 

Pavey,  Charles  W.,  137,  163,  170 
Payson,  Lewis  E.,  142,  149,  155, 

161,  162,  165. 

Pearson,  I.  N 163,  170 

Peck,   Ebenezer   74 

Pemberton,   Stanton  C 210 

Pendleton,  George  H 101 

Perry,   Elmer  A 212 

Ferryman,   James   L 152 

Peterson,   E.   0 235 

Pettigrew,    Senator    180 

Petigru,   James  L ....83 

Petit,    Senator   67 

Phillips,  D.   L 31,  33 

Phillips,    General   Jesse   J.,    99, 

101. 

Phillips,  Wendell  7,  84 

Pickering,  John  L 212 

Pickett,  Thomas  J.,  30,  31,  32,  73 
Pierce,  Franklin,  15,  17,  41,  45, 

52. 

Pierce,   John  199,   200 

Piotrowski,  Nicholas   L 209 

Platt,  Thomas  C 192 

Plumb,   Ralph  155,   161 

Polk,  James  K 9,  10 

Post,    Philip    Sidney,    161,    165, 

169,  172,  173,  176,  177. 
Powell,  William  H.,  34,  122,  123 

Powers,    Caleb   229 

Presidential  electors,   1860,   76; 

1864,  93;  1868,  102;  1872,  114- 

115;     1876,     126;     1880,     140; 

1884,   152;    1912,    227. 
Prince,    George    W.,    170,    177, 

182,    189,    193,    194,    195,    196, 

202,  210,  213,  220,  225. 

Pugh,   I.   C 31 

Puterbaugh,  Howell  J 176 

Quay,  Matthew  S 180 

Rabb,  Henry,  148,  168,  169,  176 
Rainey,  Henry  T.,  196,  202,  210, 

213,   220. 

Ralston,  V.  Y 30 

Ramsey,  Rufus  N 170 

Randolph,  John  F 176 

Raum,  Green  B.,  80,  99,  100,  125, 

136,  137,  139,  149,  162. 

Rausch,   J.  W 220 

Rawlins,    John    A.,    80    81,    107, 

185. 

Ray,  Dr.  Charles  H 30 

Ray,    Lyman    B.,    163,    166,    170 

Ray,  William  H 117 

Raymond,  Charles  W 179 


Reece,  Jasper  N 163 

Reeder,  Andrew  40,  41 

Reed,  Thomas  B.,   171,   178,   180 

Regan,  Frank  S 190 

Reid,  Frank  R 223 

Reid,  Whitelaw  171 

Remann,  Frederick  176,  177 

Reeves,  E.  F 153 

Reeves,    Walter,    176,    182,    189, 

190,  191,  193,  194. 

Reynolds,   John  ....71 

Rice,  Edward  Y 108 

Rice,  John  B 117 

Richardson,  William  A.,  27,  35, 

80,  81,   91,   97. 
Ricker,  Henry  Francis  J.,   160, 

161. 

Ricks,  N.  Douglas  164 

Ridgely,  Charles  108 

Ridgway,   Thomas   S.,   102,    122, 

123,   125,   139,   152. 

Riggs,  James  M 149,  155 

Rinaker,  John  I.,   115,   126,   139, 

152,    163,    177. 

Rives,  Zeno  S 202 

Roberts,  Lavina  E 176 

Roberts,    Ralph   22 

Robbins,  J.  W 136,  179 

Robinson,    Charles    41 

Robinson,  James  C.,   81,   89,   93, 

108,  117,  118. 
Rodenberg,     William     A.,     189, 

196,  202,  210,  213,  220,  225. 

Roe,  E.  R 78 

Rogers,    J.    M 91 

Rose,    James   A.,    179,    191,    200, 

212,    223,    225,    228,    229.    230 
Ross,  L.  W.,  77,  89,  95,  100. 

Ross,  William  33,  75 

Roosevelt,    Theodore,     19,    189, 

192,    200,    201,    202,    211,    213, 

215,    224,    228,    232,    233,    234, 

235 

Root/Elihu  201,  232,  233 

Root,  James  P 99,  101,  105 

Rothermel,  William  E 223 

Rowell,  J.  H.,  149,  155,  161,  165 

Rowett,   Richard 137 

Rowley,   General   145 

Ruggles,  James  M 33 

Rummel,  Edward  102,  113 

Russel,  Andrew  J.,  208,  212,  223, 

225. 
Rutz,  Edward  114,  125,  140 

Sabath,  Adolph  J.,  209,  210,  213, 
220. 

Sanford,  John  F.  A 38 

Schneider,  George  30,  75,  140 

Schofield,  General  185 

Schurz,  Carl  112 

Scott,    Dred    38 

Scott,   Owen  169 

Searle,  Charles  J 225 

Seiter,  Henry  152 

Selby,  Paul  29,   30 


Index 


247 


Selby,  Thomas  Jefferson  ....193 
Seward,    W.    H.(    14,    72,    78,    79, 

84,  171. 

Sewell,  Arthur  181 

Sexton,  Austin  0 149 

Seymour,  Horatio  104 

Shannon,    Governor    41 

Shannon,  John  R 101 

Shaw,  Aaron  71,   149 

Shaw,   B.   F 30 

Shaw,  James  114,  130,  133 

Shaw,  J.  Henry  157 

Sheldon,  C.  W 21 

Sheldon,    Porter   87,    88 

Shepard,    Daniel,    132,    157 

Sheridan  General  P.  H 84 

Sherman,  James  S 211,   234 

Sherman,    John,    136,    141,    151, 

153,   164. 
Sherman,  Lawrence  Y.,  190,  194, 

199,    200,    203,    204,    223,    224, 

231 

Sherman,  General  W.  T 84 

Sherwin,  John  C 133,  142 

Shields,  James  28,   48,  113 

Shuman,  Andrew,   125,   130,   152 

Shumway,  George  212 

Shurtleff,   Edward  D.,   202,   208, 

210,  214. 

Sims,  fugitive  slave  14 

Singleton,    James   W.,    133,    142 

Slade,  James  P 132 

Small,    Len,    200,    222,    223,    224, 

231,  232. 

Smith,  Abraham  E ....186 

Smith,  Dietrich  C.  ...  ....142 

Smith,    Garret    115 

Smith,  F.  H 225 

Smith,   Frank   L 212 

Smith,  George  A 223 

Smith,  General  George  W 99 

Smith,  George  W.,  165,  169,  172, 

173,    176,    177,    182,    189,    194, 

196,   202,   210. 
Smith,    General    John    C.,    114, 

132,  139,    148,    151,    156,    163 

Smith,  Robert  71 

Smulski,  John  F 208,   209 

Snapp,  Howard  M.,  196,  202,  210, 

213 
Snell,   Thomas   ..  ....78 

Snively,  C.  E 232 

Snow,  Herman  W 169 

Snyder,  William  H 35,  109 

Spangler,  Reuben  E 201 

Sparks,  William  A.  J.,  123,  129, 

133,  142. 

Springer,  William  M.,  87,  123, 
129,  133,  142,  149,  155,  161, 
165,  169,  172. 

St.  John,  John  P 153,  154 

St.  Matthew,  J.  H 35 

Stack,  Edmund  J 220 

Stanton,  Edwin  M 92 

Starkel,   Lewis  C 140 

Starne,  Alexander  89,  93 


State   central   committee,    1912, 

225. 
Stead,  William  H.,  200,  212,  218, 

223    225 

Sterling,  Fred  E 212,  231 

Sterling,  John  A.,  196,  202,  210, 

213,  220,  225. 

Stevens,  Brad  N 108 

Stevenson,  A.  E.,  123,  133,  172, 

192,  212,  213. 
Steward,    Lewis,    126,   129,    168, 

169. 

Stiver,  Perry  0 188 

Stone,    Claude   U 220 

Storrs,   Emery  A.,   77,   102,   114, 

132,  136,  137. 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher  84 

Stratton,   Charles  T 148 

Streeter,  A.  J 140,  164,  170 

Stringer,  Lawrence  B.,  201,  202 

Stuart,   John  T 78,   89 

Sumner,   Charles,   7,   15,   39,   41, 

42,  72,  84,  116,  117. 

Sweet,  Martin  P 21 

Swett,   Leonard,   74,   75,   76,   78, 

93,    113. 
Swigert,  Charles  P 140,  151 

Taft,  William  H.,  211,  213,  224, 

227,    228,    232,    233,    234,    235 

Tallmadge,   James,   Jr 5 

Taney,  Chief  Justice,  39,  45,  52, 

83. 
Tanner,  John  R.,  160,  161,  177, 

179,    182,    183,    184,    188,    191, 

195. 

Taylor,   Abner   165,    168. 

Taylor,   Zachary,   11,   12,   13,   34 

Teller,  Senator  180 

Templeton,  J.  W.,  212,  213,  219 

Terry,  Elmer  E 191 

Thistlewood,  N.  B.,  210,  213,  220, 

225 

Thomas,  Charles  137 

Thomas,  Charles  B 201 

Thomas,  Horace  H 147 

Thomas,  Jesse  B 6 

Thomas,  John  R.,  133,  142,  149, 

155,  161. 

Thompson,  J.  M 140 

Thornton,  Anthony  95,  101 

Thornton,  S.  Y 126 

Throop,  A.  C 25 

Thurman,  Allen  G 164 

Thurston,  John  W 180 

Tillson,   John   33 

Tilden,  Samuel  J 128,  131 

Tipton,  Thomas  F 129,  133 

Todd,  James  191 

Tomkiewicz,  C.  J 225 

Townsend,  Leon  A 203 

Townshend,  R.  W.,  129,  133,  142, 

149,  155,  161,  165. 

Travis,  John  21 

Tree,  Lambert  158 


248 


Index 


Trimble,     Commander-in-Chief, 

160. 

Trude,   George   S 180 

Truesburg,  Charles  II 195 

Trumbull,    Jonathan    182 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  23,  26,  27,  28, 

32,  48,  50,  80,  82,  98,  100,  112, 

113,    118,    119,    120,    140,    142, 

182,   226,    227. 
Turner,   Thomas  J.,   21,   82,   109 

Turney,  William  A 93 

Tyler,   John  8,   10 

Tyndale,    Sharon   92 

Upham,  Fred  W. 232 

Upsher,  Abel  P 8 

Usrey,  W.  J 30 

Van  Buren,  Martin  ...    ....8,  9,  12 

Van  Bpps,  William  H 101 

Vanderwater,  A.  C 153 

Van  Hornebecke,  Gustavus  ..101 

Waker,    Charles    H 164 

Wade,  B.  F 14,  97,  103 

Ward,  James  H 155 

Ward,  Jasper  D 117 

Warder,  Walter  190 

Wasburne,  B.  B.,  21,  22,  26,  27, 

42,  71,  81,  89,  95,  100,  104,  106, 

136,    141,    142,    143,    144,    145, 

146,  147,  185. 
Washington,  George,   1,   51,  238 

Watson,    James   232 

Watson,  Thomas  B 181 

Wayman,  John  E.  W.,   222,  224 
Warner,    Vespasian,     176,     182, 

189,    193,    194,    196,    199,    200 

Weaver,  James  B 141,  171 

Weaver,  John  B 223 

Weaver,  William  H 158 

Webster,   Daniel,   8,   13,   46,   47, 

60,  76,  171. 

Webster,  W.  G 212,  223 

Weed,   Thurlow   78 

Welch,  Andrew  164 

Weldon,   Lawrence,    74,    76,   113 
Wentworth,  John,  32,  80,  87,  88, 

95,   113,   137. 

West,  A.  M 153 

West,   Roy   0 225,   231 

Wharton,   Charles  S 202 

Wharton,  O.  P 30 


Wheeler,  Hamilton  K.,  172,  173 

Wheeler,   Jacob   157- 

Wheeler,  William  A 128,  131 

White,    Charles   A 214 

White,  George  B 176,  182 

White,    Horace   113,    116 

Whitfleld,     Kansas     territorial 

delegate  40 

Whitlock,  H.  G 140 

Whiting,  Richard  H 123 

Whitney,   Eli    5 

Whittier,  John  G 7,  42,  84 

Whittemore,  Floyd  J.,   187,   188 

Wike,  Scott  123,  165,  169 

Williams,   Ira  0 31 

Williams,    James    R.,    165,    169, 

172,  189,   193,  196. 

Williamson,  M.  0 191 

Williams,  William  Elza  189 

Willits,  George  S 171 

Willson,  Governor  229 

Wilmot,   David  11,   79 

Winter,   Edward   235 

Wilson,  Charles  L 33 

Wilson,    Henry,    2,    19,    103,    115 

Wilson,  H.  Clay  225 

Wilson,   Richard  S 168,   169 

Wilson,    William    W.,    196,    202, 

209,  213,  220,  225. 

Wilson,  Woodrow  235 

Windom,  William  136,   141 

Wood,   Benson  176 

Wood,  John  34,   82 

Woodman,  Charles  W 176 

Woodworth,   James  H 23,   27 

Works,   Charles  A 187 

Worrell,  Edwin  R 227 

Worthington,  N.  E 149,  155 

Wright,  Alonzo  P 171 

Wright,  Francis  M 163 

Wulff,    Jacob    176 

Yates,  Henry  76 

Yates,  Richard  (Elder),  26,  29, 
32,  33,  75,  76,  77,  80,  81,  82,  85, 
86,  87,  90,  91,  92,  96,  97,  98, 
103,  104,  105,  109,  159,  194, 
226,  227. 

Yates,  Richard  (Younger),  171, 
190,  191,  193,  194,  199,  200, 
208,  212,  222,  224,  229. 

Zangwell,  Israel 238 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  ILLIN 


